NANCY MCDOUGALL ROBINSON DIARIES
Nancy McDougal Robinson (1808-1873), wife of Alfred B. Robinson, Bill’s great-great-grandmother and author of the diaries.
(born Nov. 27, 1808; deceased Dec. 29, 1873)
CONTENTS
Introduction
Part 1 – Before The Civil War
Part 2 – The Civil War
Part 3 –Reconstruction and the Years that Followed
INTRODUCTION
What will follow are excerpts from the eleven volumes that have survived of my great-great-grandmother’s diaries, written from July 1832 through December 1873. The author, Nancy McDougall Robinson, and her family of marriage, lived in Mississippi and usually owned two or more slave plantations at a time. In 1861, a few years after her husband Alfred died, her account book shows that she and her two sons inherited 136 slaves from him. During his life, Alfred could have owned as many as 200 slaves.
The diary entries cover almost all of the three decades before the Civil War, the Civil War, and Reconstruction and the years after the war. During the Reconstruction era (1865-1877), the North controlled the South by military rule.
I found parts of the diaries fascinating and other parts very repetitious and boring. For what follows I tried to pick out excerpts that are of an interesting nature and/or gave a sense of who she was, of her life, and of the era and culture within which she lived. Sometimes I have included a number of excerpts that refer to the same theme to help convey the importance of that theme to her and/or her culture (for example: entries related to sickness and death, entries describing her views of President Lincoln and Yankees, etc.).
The diaries are in the public domain; however, my arrangement of these selections and my notes related to them are copyrighted. A few of the entries in Chapter 1 of Almost Hereditary are not included here because they need to be put in context in order to be properly understood. In Almost Hereditary they are accompanied by helpful information. Most of the following entries were not used in my book.
For a more comprehensive view of slavery, an understanding of what a horrible institution it was, more information on Nancy Robinson and her family, and a better understanding of the times the following diary entries relate to, read the first chapter of Almost Hereditary. For a list of the family’s slaves at the time of Alfred’s death, see the book’s Appendix 7.
Notes:
** = used in Almost Heredity
(**) = part of entry used in Almost Hereditary
[ ] = my notes added to the diary excerpts
[something?] = my notation for missing or illegible words
I have corrected some, but not all, of her spelling and punctuation to make her writing easier to read. Her spelling for “negroes” was “negros”; sometimes she spelled “said” as “sayed;” “whole” was spelled “hole;” “whare” for “where;” “travil” for “travel;” etc. In a quite a few cases she spelled the same word or name differently at different times. A number of words she broke up as two words, writing “to day” for “today,” and “a gain” for “again,” for example. Some of her sentences did not end with a period or begin with a capitol letter, and many words were capitalized that should not have been, making entries much harder to read. Sometimes her periods looked like what we would call a dash. Sometimes she underlined words, and I have tried to underline the same words when I have noticed her having done it.
Glossary:
Mr. Robinson or Mr. R. = her husband (apparently a common way to refer to one’s husband in the 1800s, at least in some contexts – not an indication of being formal or distant from him); she also refers to him by his first name at times – Alfred
Brother Jerry = her husband’s twin brother, Jerry Robinson
The People = almost always refers to the slaves or the freedmen (former slaves who had been freed); in 1 or 2 cases the term seems to refer to her black & white tenants after the Civil War (e.g., entry for May 10, 1873), and there are a few times the term refers to the people of the South or of Mississippi (e.g., 10/12/73 entry)
Freedmen or Freedwomen = freed slaves after the Civil War (usually Freedmen is used to refer to men, women, and children.)
Col“ or Col‘ or Col = abbreviation for “Colored” or black people (Col. is also used as an abbreviation for Colonel)
Darkies = blacks, slaves/freedmen
Quarters = slave quarters or homes on the plantation
Cabins = another word for the slaves’ homes on the plantation
Miss. = her abbreviation for Mississippi, I use MS in some cases
Country = sometimes a reference to the region, the South, or the county, not to the whole country
CONTENTS
Introduction
Part 1 – Before The Civil War
Part 2 – The Civil War
Part 3 –Reconstruction and the Years that Followed
INTRODUCTION
What will follow are excerpts from the eleven volumes that have survived of my great-great-grandmother’s diaries, written from July 1832 through December 1873. The author, Nancy McDougall Robinson, and her family of marriage, lived in Mississippi and usually owned two or more slave plantations at a time. In 1861, a few years after her husband Alfred died, her account book shows that she and her two sons inherited 136 slaves from him. During his life, Alfred could have owned as many as 200 slaves.
The diary entries cover almost all of the three decades before the Civil War, the Civil War, and Reconstruction and the years after the war. During the Reconstruction era (1865-1877), the North controlled the South by military rule.
I found parts of the diaries fascinating and other parts very repetitious and boring. For what follows I tried to pick out excerpts that are of an interesting nature and/or gave a sense of who she was, of her life, and of the era and culture within which she lived. Sometimes I have included a number of excerpts that refer to the same theme to help convey the importance of that theme to her and/or her culture (for example: entries related to sickness and death, entries describing her views of President Lincoln and Yankees, etc.).
The diaries are in the public domain; however, my arrangement of these selections and my notes related to them are copyrighted. A few of the entries in Chapter 1 of Almost Hereditary are not included here because they need to be put in context in order to be properly understood. In Almost Hereditary they are accompanied by helpful information. Most of the following entries were not used in my book.
For a more comprehensive view of slavery, an understanding of what a horrible institution it was, more information on Nancy Robinson and her family, and a better understanding of the times the following diary entries relate to, read the first chapter of Almost Hereditary. For a list of the family’s slaves at the time of Alfred’s death, see the book’s Appendix 7.
Notes:
** = used in Almost Heredity
(**) = part of entry used in Almost Hereditary
[ ] = my notes added to the diary excerpts
[something?] = my notation for missing or illegible words
I have corrected some, but not all, of her spelling and punctuation to make her writing easier to read. Her spelling for “negroes” was “negros”; sometimes she spelled “said” as “sayed;” “whole” was spelled “hole;” “whare” for “where;” “travil” for “travel;” etc. In a quite a few cases she spelled the same word or name differently at different times. A number of words she broke up as two words, writing “to day” for “today,” and “a gain” for “again,” for example. Some of her sentences did not end with a period or begin with a capitol letter, and many words were capitalized that should not have been, making entries much harder to read. Sometimes her periods looked like what we would call a dash. Sometimes she underlined words, and I have tried to underline the same words when I have noticed her having done it.
Glossary:
Mr. Robinson or Mr. R. = her husband (apparently a common way to refer to one’s husband in the 1800s, at least in some contexts – not an indication of being formal or distant from him); she also refers to him by his first name at times – Alfred
Brother Jerry = her husband’s twin brother, Jerry Robinson
The People = almost always refers to the slaves or the freedmen (former slaves who had been freed); in 1 or 2 cases the term seems to refer to her black & white tenants after the Civil War (e.g., entry for May 10, 1873), and there are a few times the term refers to the people of the South or of Mississippi (e.g., 10/12/73 entry)
Freedmen or Freedwomen = freed slaves after the Civil War (usually Freedmen is used to refer to men, women, and children.)
Col“ or Col‘ or Col = abbreviation for “Colored” or black people (Col. is also used as an abbreviation for Colonel)
Darkies = blacks, slaves/freedmen
Quarters = slave quarters or homes on the plantation
Cabins = another word for the slaves’ homes on the plantation
Miss. = her abbreviation for Mississippi, I use MS in some cases
Country = sometimes a reference to the region, the South, or the county, not to the whole country
PART 1 – BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR
This first section of diary excerpts covers from 1832 through the first part of 1860, her life before the Civil War. “The people” almost always refers to the slaves.
** July 1832
Miss Nancy McDougall
Vol. 4
This Book much like its owner
Too incapacius to be of any note
Port Gibson July 1832
Claibourn County, Miss.
[This is the introductory note to the earliest diary of which I have a copy.]
** July or Aug. 1832 We are considered in ourselves very helpless and wretched beings. We are subject every moment to greate calamities & misfortuntes.
Aug. 1832 Rose this morning at five, went to Sabbath school, received a letter from my friend N.E., answered it by her messenger, attended church bible class, took a walk, went to church a gain & so ends this day like most other Sabbath days.
[This next entry, while written with the utmost sincerity, is a little ironic, having been written by a future slave owner.]
** Sept. 30, 1832 The ways of providence are mysterious. Would it but favor the brave, the generous & good. Could I be Rich, no one should want while I had it in my power to bestow. I would give to the homeless child of want. My coffers should be open to the destitute. How can the children of disipation behold the misery of their fellow creatures without paying to aleviate their suffering, to cheer the dying moments of those who are friendless, to sooth the afflicted, to dry the tear from the cheek of misery & dispence happiness. Such would be the wish of the kind hearted.
[This next entry, which she copied from some unknown source, suggests her view of a wife’s role. She wrote this a month or two before her marriage.]
Nov. or Dec. 1832 When a man of sense comes to marry it is a companion whom he wants, not an artist. It is not merely a creature who can paint and play and sing and dance, it is a being who can reason and reflect and feel and judge & discourse & discriminate – one who can assist him in his affairs, lighten his sorrows, purify his joys, strengthen his principles, & educate his children. Such is the woman who is fit & the mistress of the family. A women of the former description may occasionly figure in the drawing room and attract the admiration of the company but nothing more.
Dec. 31, 1832 Port Gibson, This is perhaps the most eventful day of my life. Today I quit this stage of action. I wish all my friends to be present & will none be here . . . to see me in bridal pomp and gaiety but in meek submission promise what I hope to perform. Mr. Robinson and I are to be married today and leave after one day for his home. [I should note here that her use of the name "Mr. Robinson" for her future husband seems to be normal for certain manners of expression in her day. It is not an indication of distance or formality.]
Jan. 1833 [After their wedding Nancy and Alfred rode on horseback from Port Gibson, MS to their Checopa Plantation.]
January
After spending one day in receiving the calls of my friends–the next morning with an aching heart, I prepared to bid adieu to my dearest friends. My Ma’s grief, my sister’s tears, the sorrow of the hole family over powered my feelings. I cried with them. Their wish to keep me made me resent leaving them, I blamed myself, I forgot my duty, and wished to stay. They grieved as if they would never see me more, which chilled my heart for all but them.
I left them and tried to appear cheerful. Pa was with us. My heart was too heavy and when we passed the grave of my sister it received additional wait [weight]. Pa passed the ford with us. He gave a parting kiss, we cried. I will not describe my feelings, they are too painful. I have ended my life of folly, gaiety and amusement, I thought, and will never be happy any more away from my family.
January 4th, 1833
Passing through Raymond, we stoped at an Inn (where I had called with Pa last summer journeying to Vernon). No one in the Bar room, we passed through the house at the further end, inquired for the lady. A bloated yellow sickly woman made her appearance and in a scarce audiable voice showed me into a dirty room. Her wretched appearance made me pitty her. She wore an old black frock, a handkerchief on her head, her countenance was truly woe worn. She looked as if the last ray of happiness was extinguished (her keen malicious grey eyes alone showed animation). Scarcely able to walk she sat down and gazed at me attentively while I was adjusting my curls and dress. “Are you not the young lady that called here last summer with her father,” she asked. “The same,” said I. “I thought so, I thought I knew you though you look pale now, you are married?” said she. I bowed assent and told her I was pale from fatigue. “Where are you traveling?” Mr. Robinson comeing in said, “I am taking her to visit some friends.” “I know better,” said she sharply, “I know her father thought too much of her to trust her with you.” “Cannot I take care of her?” said he. “Yes, for a while, but not a fatherly care. You will while she is young, handsome and gay, but when sickness and time deprive her of these, you will no longer.” “But he will be old then too,” said I gaily. “And I will be sick, too,” said he, “and we will be a like old.” “No,” she replied, “you will be sick and be well again, but she will not look so well in after years. She will be sick and not so pretty again, then you will not take care of her.” “Yes, I will,” he said, “she will be the same to me.” “No she will not, you think so, I don’t doubt you think so, but you will not.” Mr. Robinson said, “Madam, we will be pleased to soon get our dinners from you.” She bowed and asked me, “Have you a mother?” “Yes, mam, and brothers and sisters.” “And you leave them,” said she reproachfully, “they would not leave you.” “But I shall see them often,” I said. “I thought so, too, left my parents and never saw them more.” Mr. Robinson told her I would visit them frequently. “I have heard that, too,” she said, “I have a daughter who lives 25 miles distant, whom I have not seen in two years.” He left the room and she repeated, “You will not be all ways thus happy, you will think different hereafter. Remember what I have told you, it is all true.” With so much composure and satisfaction, that I thought her possessed of the black arts of necromancy, and fancied her some old Sybil perdicting my fate. I left the room saying to myself I am not happy now, old woman, I am fatigued to death and sad at heart.
We took our dinner and prepared to go. We started, the old Beldam cried out to me, “When you travel this way again, call and let me see how much of what I told you has come true.” Trifling as this may appear it gave me evident uneasiness. Her looks, her manner was awing [?], her words wore impressive – & she haunted my immagination for two days constantly. Mr. Robinson did not like it. I wish we had not stopped at that old womans said he, I did not like her chat (though she spoke false). It makes us sad. I know her words will never come true, she is a neglected wife I think, but should not judge me by her refractory [?] [something?].
Thus we left the village of Raymond with no very pleasent feeling & journeyed on in silent reflection.
[Several days later:]
At sunset we reached home, a new one in a clearing, Jerry R [Alfred's brother] come out and greeted us with a kind welcome and though it was a homebly [homely or humble?] home, a good fire and kind and loved ones made it agreeable. Jerry was a kind Brother and there was plenty of what was nessasry for our wants. The house made of sticks and mud like a doves nest was quiet – and my kind Alfred made it all ways cheerful when he sat there.
When the weather got warm I rode with him to the Vally, Halls Perarie where the negros cultivated cotton for they could not plant enough at Checopa in the Spring. Mr. & Mrs. Howard come to be our neighbors and I had visiters often. Mr. Scott made us frequent visits and said his family would be our neighbors the next year. I visited Mrs. Hall at the Vally and she returned our visit. My time passes pleasantly when my dear Aflred is with me But when he is gone I am some times lonely.
March 4, 1841 The time has been and I have met with sorrows I shall never forget. This is the aniversary of the greatest affliction of my life . . . the loss of my son Alfred.
[4 years earlier, her first born son died at 3 & 1/2 years of age.]
April 7, 1841 Dear friend, I wished much to see you to day but sickness of the negroes prevented my leaveing home. Death has visited us since the morning sun, two spirits have fled. Two that saw it rise cannot see it set, their labors in this world is ended and have gone, I hope to mansions of peace.
April 14, 1841 I have seen a sad and affecting scene to day, a double burial, in one grave was laid the mother and eldest son, on his other side lay his father (buried but three days previous), next to him lay two other of his children (who was buried the same week seven months ago). Thus a family of seven in seven months was reduced to two. Two little boys was left alone without a relative and destitute.
[The next entry reflects her sadness at the pain caused by separating some of the slaves so they could go to another plantation.]
** Dec. 16, 1841 A day of sadness truly has passed, yes, of grief in reality — the sepperation of Brothers, the parting of friends, of parents and children, the grief and lamentation of the negroes at leaving, for Jerry [her husband's brother] started for the Louisiana Place (. . . with some of the people).
Jan. 26, 1845 Sidon – To day I am alone. My children are gone to school 18 miles from home. Their Pa is also away and I am lonely. It is the first time both have been from me at once.
My heart is left desolate. This place seems to have an influence that fetters the body and confines the mind to more drudging than any place I ever was at.
Health and life outweighs every other earthly consideration and neither can be regained at will.
May 1846 The Texan war is now a subject of much interest to me. Mr. Robinson left home yesterday morning for Harisonburg to join a volenteering company. Whether the company will [be] received I do not know but if received they will go immediately to headquarters in Texas.
[His company was not "received," and he returned home.]
July 5, 1847 Mr. Robinson left us this morning for the Yazoo place and will probably be absent two months and more. I feel sad at his leaving.
March 28, 1850 The small pox is at Black Hawk [MS] and the school dismissed. Jerry and Duglas [her sons] walked to the valley. There they met the horses we had sent for them.
Today I am vaccinating the negro children.
April? 19, 1851 Sorrows, afflictions and troubles crowd before me for it seems berievements will never cease. My mother, Brother, Aunt, Uncle, Niece, Cousin, Brother-in-law, all [dead] in one year.
June/July 1851 …Dr. Watson came. A [negro] child was taken very sick and given medicine. After supper I went to see the sick child. Found him dieing and two others very bad. The Dr. went out to see them and said it was cholera. Yes, cholera, with all its horrors. For seven days did it scorge us. The negros that was well went to camps in the woods but it met them there. Days and nights of horror. How can I describe them. Even now, months afterwards it is agonizing to my feelings to recall them. Mr. Robinson was in a dieing condition. Sometimes I feared to leave him for a minute least he should expire while I was gone.
July 8, 1851 Dear Sister, your letter came kindly like a path to the lost wanderer. For my many afflictions had made me dead to every thing, but the misery and death around me. I now hasten to relieve our Father’s anxiety about us – and must tell you the cholera has been with us – after a rain at evening three took it, one died in 5 hours, two the next day, another died. The overseer took the well hands and children to camps in the woods, and sent home the sick as soon as they was taken. A woman came to me with her child to her breast, sayed she was not sick, medicine was given but in 4 hours she was carried a way. Then came in two to four every day. Our house servants and nurses took it first. Alfred was unable to leave home and getting worse every day. . . . I will not describe my condition. I gave nearly all the medicine to twelve sick all the time and watched Alfred all night. Two days and nights I gave up without hope of saveing Alfred or myself. Yesterday was the first day of hope. Alfreds recovering and though he is reduced to a shadow with a severe cough and too weak to walk alone, I think he will be well again. I have watched two nights to keep him from strangling. Oh June, could you see him, you would be grieved. We have had no new cases for three days and we hope the cholera has passed. . .
Dec. 1, 1851 Christmas Holidays are here with all their merriment to the sable sons and daughters of Africa.
June 30, 1853 Some friends and some new acquaintances dined with us to day. I was truly pleased with their company. Had much agreeable chat with Mrs. Smith of by gone years and of our ancesters even to Revolutionary Times when my Grand Father fought under the command of Ethan Allan and Gen. Washington and of the many battles and the hardships they endured. Mrs. Smith spoke of the death of Gen. Warner [?], her uncle, he [fought?] at the Battle of Bunkers Hill. She said she saw three sons and a nephew depart in ’46 for the Mexican war with sorrow for they was not going to protect their country but to invade an others. All of her sons had returned safely, but one of our guests had lost the tip of his nose (her nephew), but he still had enough.
** July the 4th, 1853 A memorably day to all Americans. A day of Liberty here. The negros are enjoying it and banqueting on the good things on the place.
July 14, 1853 We have had company to diner, a Friend from Calafornia who gave us a particular discription of that country and shewed us some pieces of gold dug from the earth by him self (George Powel).
** July 21, 1853 – I have been much interested in the spiritual influence, in raising a table to answer the inquiries made of spirits of your relatives, then just and true answers to many things we know. Sister Sarah Posey [her sister] is amedium and through her medium I conversed with the beloved spirits of my departed Parents, Brothers, Sisters, etc. It is to happy a thought to believe that the spirits of the blest made perfect can wach over us here in our sinfull state and be our guardians.
Sept. 24, 1853 Got letters. One from Mr. Baldwin on his way home. The Yellow Fever is at Port Gibson. 30 cases. All our family are well . . . . It is the Plague. It came from Rio Jenero and slays as it goes hole families, devastates towns and cittys worse far worse than cholera. It is in boats on our river.
Sept. 25, 1853 This Yellow Fever or, Rio Jenero Plague keeps me troubled, not only for the dear friends I have near it. But for the community at large. The waste of human life is appalling. Thousands a week in the [United] States.
Nov. 11, 1853 To day we heard of the election. The Union Candidates beat the Secessionists all but three. Largely in our county.
** Dec. 15, 1853 My mind is easy by hearing that my sons are contented and I sit alone to night and think of them. A lone with three of the Sable children of Africa siting on the carpet by the fire at my feet – and their merriment drives all care a way.
** Dec. 18, 1853 We have been making cakes & preparing Christmas Cheer. All the negros are makeing ready their houses and clothes for gaiety.
March 23, 1854 Mr. Robinson shipped his last cotton and I sent a bill for articles with it [an order for merchandise to be sent back to her].
Early Sept. 1854 Mr. Robinson has gone to Greenwood to hear our Polititions speak . . . . I am the only white person on the place and feel lonely.
Nov. 8 1854 Mr. Fisher (the overseer) started for Talahachie Place with two waggons and 40 people [slaves] to make another home. [Forty of their slaves were being moved to the Talahachie plantation to live & work.]
** March 15, 1855 – Mr. Robinson told me of dreaming of Mr. Sheapherd, of seeing him, their conversation and he bid him farewell. Mr. R. awoke, got up and looked at his watch, it was half past one o’clock. He was grieved for he believed Mr. Shepheard was dead.
** March 18, 1855 – I rode to Dr. Fishers in the evening and heard of Mr. Sheapheards death. He died the hour Mr. Robinson dreamed Mr. Sheapheard bid him fairwell.
Nov. 1856 Mr. Robinson is not able to be a judge of the Election, But went to vote at Sidon. Millard Filmore the candidate of the American Party received all the votes but ten and may be elected to support the Constitution of the United States and would to heaven they was United.
Dec. 27, 1856 We have been disturbed in mind this week with the news of inserection and rebelion against the white comunty for Liberty by the Darkies. But I hope it is past, and no injury done in our Country. [At times Nancy Robinson used the word "country" in reference to the region or maybe the county - not the whole U.S.]
Aug. 20, 1857 Jerry [her brother-in-law] started to Talahachie Place. They are making brick and building new cabbins for the Darkies & will also build a Dwelling House.
Aug. 27, 1857 The overseer is sick. Duglas is paying attention to him and I am doing the same to a very sick negro man. I do not think he will get well.
Aug. 28, 1857 I am still nursing the sick. The rainy weather is much against them and they are no better.
Aug. 30, 1857 We all feel sad for the death of a good servant . . . . Just at night fall the servants followed Nixon [?] to his grave, and the prayers and singing was truly sad and sacred to us all.
Sept. 6, 1857 Sunday. Not one of my (white) family are able to go to church to day and I do not feel able to read though my strength is improving. [In a few of her other entries she uses the term “family” to refer to all the people on her plantation, black and white]
June 1, 1858 Sickness, wreched sickness, I am now siting by Mr. Robinson. He has been an invilid for nearly two years and most of the time confined to the house.
** Sept. 24, 1858 [Richmond, VA] Today is cool. We have a fire in the grade for Mr. R. complains of feeling chilly – in the evening he went out with Jerry to buy some more Slaves to bring home while I write June Baldwin [her sister] and Duglas.
(**) Sept. 26, 1858 We left Richmond on the [train] Cars at 5 o’clock. Jerry, Mr. R., myself & 29 slaves for our home.
. . . At Water [?] Valley we expected to meet our Carriage and a wagon for our people [slaves] but was dissappointed. Mr. R & myself staid 24 hours at Water [?] Valley and the evening of 29th went in the Stage to Grenada. Our carriage was there. Henry [Henny?] had got it there that evening. We waited there for a day for Jerry to come on with the people which he did that evening and met our wagon.
Oct. 2, 1858 The servents was rejoiced to see us return. They heard it doubted if either of us would live to return.
Oct. 11, 1858 I cannot describe my wrechedness. I go to my room but miss him there. I want as though he has gone out. Oh Alfred. Alfred. He has been my care so long, I have wached over him till I can do no more and is my labor of Love indeed. I feel as though I had nothing now to do but he told me not to weep for him but to love my children, wach over and direct them . . . . My heart aches till I am allmost suffocated. [her husband died Oct. 10, 1858]
Oct. 12, 1858 Today a sick boy [a slave] claims my attention and with an acheing heart I give it and walk from the house to the [slave] cabin often, every thing reminds me of Mr. Robinson. His horse follows me and the children in the quarters ask me where is Master Alfred gone, I cannot answer them I am so wreched. . . .
Jerry must go to Talahachie Place and take some of the People we brought from Virginia. I cannot stay alone. I told him I would go with him and he is getting the people ready to leave.
Oct. 18 & 24, 1858 I left home with Jerry for the Talahachie Place, the wagon with 11 of our new People started before us, Jerry drove me in the buggy the first days journey, and I rode on horse back the rest of the way. We arrived there at 4 o’clock. They [slaves] was all glad to see us.
** Oct. 26 thru Nov. 4, 1858 Tuesday Morning 26th Oct – We came home ([to] Sidon) and found many of our sick family [the slaves] sick unto death. I went from one to another nearly all night, with all we could do (Charles Sykes died while I was gone), and Lilly his wife next morning. That evening Lucys infant died and they was buried.
Friday 29th – This morning at nine Lucy died. Peter her husband come to our door before light to tell us he was worse but medicine treatment could not save him. He died at 11 o’clock. Charles Baily, a favorite, with all our care died at 4 o’clock that evening. Maked a loss of three good servants that day. Lucy & Peter was taken to the grave together and Charles was buried the next morning.
Sat. 30th – Our remaining sick seemed better but Pneumonia is a fearful disease. I tended on them all day and though[t?] of sleeping at night. At 12 o’clock wearier with fatigue and anxiety I lay down But was soon aroused to be told Louis Sykes was dead.
Sun. 31 Oct. – The Sun shone brightly but fear and dread was in our hearts. Every one that took sick thought they would die. Pneumonia was indeed fearful. At nine o’clock Maria a young girl died and late in the evening Sister and I went to see her and Louis buried. With humble and crushed hearts we all knelt on the earth and never was a more humble prayer made for mercy. Claiborn [a slave and preacher] asked for the distruction to ceace and for our weary and grieved hearts to be healed. We all felt the weight of sorrow, and I tried to cheer them with the hope that the sickness was over.
Thursday – I have walked about the Place all day cheering, nursing, and having every thing changed in the Cabbins that would give a different and cheerful aspect and saying the sickness is over and not put a sick one in the sick house.
(**) Nov. 17, 1858 Jerry came home . . . in the evening looking care worn and weary. Yes there was so greate a change in his appearance that Harriet [a slave] cried. She sayed it grieved her to see the child she had nursed so worn out and care worn, so young. He truly had cause. He had nursed the sick and wached over them – and eight of our good negros had died.
Jan. 4, 1859 [Jerry’s and Duglas'] uncle had Alfreds will probated and put on record. His property was privately estimated at $600,000.
Jan. 16, 1859 Claiborn our African Preacher has been very low and is now recovering and Peter also.
Jan. 17, 1859 Today I am nurseing some verry sick [slave] children with Hooping Cough and have many cares to trouble my mind.
Jan. 29, 1859 The Boys [her sons] had been to Charleston, South Carolina and bought what slaves they wanted.
Feb. 5, 1859 To night with a weary heart I look back to the past week – and think of the twenty five sick we have nursed and their condition. Two have died and three are very low.
Feb. 6, 1859 This day I am having the Place smoked with tar [?] and the houses aired and made clean and lime strewn under the houses and we have three new cases – three come sick today.
The orphan Baby six days old when its mother died Thursday is doing well.
Feb. 19 thru 21, 1859 Saturday – For three days Sister and I have nursed three sick children, two in my own room and other sick in the Sick Room. Duglas has been sick with fever and sore throat but is well now.
Sunday – This morning one of the children died and many others are very sick. I walked the galery this evening and listened to the Sad Dirge or funeral hymn as they carried the Little Boy to his grave.
Monday Morning – Sister Sarah and Anne are both sick, and eight of the People – and company comeing.
Feb. 24 & 27, 1859 I feel sad and lonely and distressed at the suffering I see. . . I some times feel that life will soon leave me if I have much more trouble to bear.
March 12, 1859 I have been packing Jerrys trunk and puting up clotheing for The People [slaves] at Cassity Place and the Mound Place also.
March 19, 1859 I am very weary in body and mind and so debilitated. I have no appetite. Often today I have thought of giving up, unable to attend to the sick. But the thought of my sons brace me to my task. This week closes with 18 convelesent to look after and tonic.
April 1&2, 1859 Friday – The [Yazoo] River is very high and we feel it will breake our Levee.
Saturday – our Levee is broken and some fifty acres of our field washed over I think.
April 20, 1859 The little Boy was very low and I feared would not survive the night. I had wached him all the morning. The company came at six and we had a very pleasant company and I would have enjoyed their conversation had I not been troubled at the death of the little black boy in my room – at 12 o’clock.
April 24, 1859 We have now lost forty of our good servants since August [8 months time]. A sad loss.
** April 29, 1859 There is to be a wedding at the [slave] Quarters this evening (London weds Ester). Anna and I witness the ceremony – and the overseer. [Often slave weddings are in her home, in the hall.]
July 2, 1859 We gave The People a Barbacue today for the 4th. The meat was excellent and the dinner good.
** July 4, 1859 Our overseer left yesterday from inability to attend to business caused by . . . drunkenness
(**) Sept. 11, 1859 I heard the overseer at Marion was a trifling fellow. Duglas wrote and he Duglas was not well, had eight sick [slaves], one dangerous.
** Dec. 26, 1859 Dancing, feasting and pleasure is going on at the Quarters. The Darkies are very happy and joyous. [Christmas time]
** Dec. 27, 1859 The rain is falling and the people are indoors quilting and doing Christmas work, visiting each other and making merry.
Jan. 6, 1860 Mrs. Morgan came from Shell Bluff Plantation and told us of Mr. Conners [?] shooting Mr. Moore with a revolver four times, which killed him.
** Jan. 17, 1860 The next morning Jerry came and we went to see a family of negroes he had bought . . . . They belonged to Gov. Brandons son who sold them to us as his minority had expired. Duglas concluded to take them to Talahatchie and we returned home to prepare for their journey.
** Feb. 8, 1860 Jerry went to Black Hawk on business, and there met a man with some negroes, which he and I bought for the River place – and he gave up going to the City; and took the People home to Tallahatchie.
** March 28, 1860 Duglas has not yet returned home, and the overseer is yet very sick, not able to be up – and I hear bad news from Tallahatchie. That 3 of the men had run off and Duglas caught them and took them back.
** July 1832
Miss Nancy McDougall
Vol. 4
This Book much like its owner
Too incapacius to be of any note
Port Gibson July 1832
Claibourn County, Miss.
[This is the introductory note to the earliest diary of which I have a copy.]
** July or Aug. 1832 We are considered in ourselves very helpless and wretched beings. We are subject every moment to greate calamities & misfortuntes.
Aug. 1832 Rose this morning at five, went to Sabbath school, received a letter from my friend N.E., answered it by her messenger, attended church bible class, took a walk, went to church a gain & so ends this day like most other Sabbath days.
[This next entry, while written with the utmost sincerity, is a little ironic, having been written by a future slave owner.]
** Sept. 30, 1832 The ways of providence are mysterious. Would it but favor the brave, the generous & good. Could I be Rich, no one should want while I had it in my power to bestow. I would give to the homeless child of want. My coffers should be open to the destitute. How can the children of disipation behold the misery of their fellow creatures without paying to aleviate their suffering, to cheer the dying moments of those who are friendless, to sooth the afflicted, to dry the tear from the cheek of misery & dispence happiness. Such would be the wish of the kind hearted.
[This next entry, which she copied from some unknown source, suggests her view of a wife’s role. She wrote this a month or two before her marriage.]
Nov. or Dec. 1832 When a man of sense comes to marry it is a companion whom he wants, not an artist. It is not merely a creature who can paint and play and sing and dance, it is a being who can reason and reflect and feel and judge & discourse & discriminate – one who can assist him in his affairs, lighten his sorrows, purify his joys, strengthen his principles, & educate his children. Such is the woman who is fit & the mistress of the family. A women of the former description may occasionly figure in the drawing room and attract the admiration of the company but nothing more.
Dec. 31, 1832 Port Gibson, This is perhaps the most eventful day of my life. Today I quit this stage of action. I wish all my friends to be present & will none be here . . . to see me in bridal pomp and gaiety but in meek submission promise what I hope to perform. Mr. Robinson and I are to be married today and leave after one day for his home. [I should note here that her use of the name "Mr. Robinson" for her future husband seems to be normal for certain manners of expression in her day. It is not an indication of distance or formality.]
Jan. 1833 [After their wedding Nancy and Alfred rode on horseback from Port Gibson, MS to their Checopa Plantation.]
January
After spending one day in receiving the calls of my friends–the next morning with an aching heart, I prepared to bid adieu to my dearest friends. My Ma’s grief, my sister’s tears, the sorrow of the hole family over powered my feelings. I cried with them. Their wish to keep me made me resent leaving them, I blamed myself, I forgot my duty, and wished to stay. They grieved as if they would never see me more, which chilled my heart for all but them.
I left them and tried to appear cheerful. Pa was with us. My heart was too heavy and when we passed the grave of my sister it received additional wait [weight]. Pa passed the ford with us. He gave a parting kiss, we cried. I will not describe my feelings, they are too painful. I have ended my life of folly, gaiety and amusement, I thought, and will never be happy any more away from my family.
January 4th, 1833
Passing through Raymond, we stoped at an Inn (where I had called with Pa last summer journeying to Vernon). No one in the Bar room, we passed through the house at the further end, inquired for the lady. A bloated yellow sickly woman made her appearance and in a scarce audiable voice showed me into a dirty room. Her wretched appearance made me pitty her. She wore an old black frock, a handkerchief on her head, her countenance was truly woe worn. She looked as if the last ray of happiness was extinguished (her keen malicious grey eyes alone showed animation). Scarcely able to walk she sat down and gazed at me attentively while I was adjusting my curls and dress. “Are you not the young lady that called here last summer with her father,” she asked. “The same,” said I. “I thought so, I thought I knew you though you look pale now, you are married?” said she. I bowed assent and told her I was pale from fatigue. “Where are you traveling?” Mr. Robinson comeing in said, “I am taking her to visit some friends.” “I know better,” said she sharply, “I know her father thought too much of her to trust her with you.” “Cannot I take care of her?” said he. “Yes, for a while, but not a fatherly care. You will while she is young, handsome and gay, but when sickness and time deprive her of these, you will no longer.” “But he will be old then too,” said I gaily. “And I will be sick, too,” said he, “and we will be a like old.” “No,” she replied, “you will be sick and be well again, but she will not look so well in after years. She will be sick and not so pretty again, then you will not take care of her.” “Yes, I will,” he said, “she will be the same to me.” “No she will not, you think so, I don’t doubt you think so, but you will not.” Mr. Robinson said, “Madam, we will be pleased to soon get our dinners from you.” She bowed and asked me, “Have you a mother?” “Yes, mam, and brothers and sisters.” “And you leave them,” said she reproachfully, “they would not leave you.” “But I shall see them often,” I said. “I thought so, too, left my parents and never saw them more.” Mr. Robinson told her I would visit them frequently. “I have heard that, too,” she said, “I have a daughter who lives 25 miles distant, whom I have not seen in two years.” He left the room and she repeated, “You will not be all ways thus happy, you will think different hereafter. Remember what I have told you, it is all true.” With so much composure and satisfaction, that I thought her possessed of the black arts of necromancy, and fancied her some old Sybil perdicting my fate. I left the room saying to myself I am not happy now, old woman, I am fatigued to death and sad at heart.
We took our dinner and prepared to go. We started, the old Beldam cried out to me, “When you travel this way again, call and let me see how much of what I told you has come true.” Trifling as this may appear it gave me evident uneasiness. Her looks, her manner was awing [?], her words wore impressive – & she haunted my immagination for two days constantly. Mr. Robinson did not like it. I wish we had not stopped at that old womans said he, I did not like her chat (though she spoke false). It makes us sad. I know her words will never come true, she is a neglected wife I think, but should not judge me by her refractory [?] [something?].
Thus we left the village of Raymond with no very pleasent feeling & journeyed on in silent reflection.
[Several days later:]
At sunset we reached home, a new one in a clearing, Jerry R [Alfred's brother] come out and greeted us with a kind welcome and though it was a homebly [homely or humble?] home, a good fire and kind and loved ones made it agreeable. Jerry was a kind Brother and there was plenty of what was nessasry for our wants. The house made of sticks and mud like a doves nest was quiet – and my kind Alfred made it all ways cheerful when he sat there.
When the weather got warm I rode with him to the Vally, Halls Perarie where the negros cultivated cotton for they could not plant enough at Checopa in the Spring. Mr. & Mrs. Howard come to be our neighbors and I had visiters often. Mr. Scott made us frequent visits and said his family would be our neighbors the next year. I visited Mrs. Hall at the Vally and she returned our visit. My time passes pleasantly when my dear Aflred is with me But when he is gone I am some times lonely.
March 4, 1841 The time has been and I have met with sorrows I shall never forget. This is the aniversary of the greatest affliction of my life . . . the loss of my son Alfred.
[4 years earlier, her first born son died at 3 & 1/2 years of age.]
April 7, 1841 Dear friend, I wished much to see you to day but sickness of the negroes prevented my leaveing home. Death has visited us since the morning sun, two spirits have fled. Two that saw it rise cannot see it set, their labors in this world is ended and have gone, I hope to mansions of peace.
April 14, 1841 I have seen a sad and affecting scene to day, a double burial, in one grave was laid the mother and eldest son, on his other side lay his father (buried but three days previous), next to him lay two other of his children (who was buried the same week seven months ago). Thus a family of seven in seven months was reduced to two. Two little boys was left alone without a relative and destitute.
[The next entry reflects her sadness at the pain caused by separating some of the slaves so they could go to another plantation.]
** Dec. 16, 1841 A day of sadness truly has passed, yes, of grief in reality — the sepperation of Brothers, the parting of friends, of parents and children, the grief and lamentation of the negroes at leaving, for Jerry [her husband's brother] started for the Louisiana Place (. . . with some of the people).
Jan. 26, 1845 Sidon – To day I am alone. My children are gone to school 18 miles from home. Their Pa is also away and I am lonely. It is the first time both have been from me at once.
My heart is left desolate. This place seems to have an influence that fetters the body and confines the mind to more drudging than any place I ever was at.
Health and life outweighs every other earthly consideration and neither can be regained at will.
May 1846 The Texan war is now a subject of much interest to me. Mr. Robinson left home yesterday morning for Harisonburg to join a volenteering company. Whether the company will [be] received I do not know but if received they will go immediately to headquarters in Texas.
[His company was not "received," and he returned home.]
July 5, 1847 Mr. Robinson left us this morning for the Yazoo place and will probably be absent two months and more. I feel sad at his leaving.
March 28, 1850 The small pox is at Black Hawk [MS] and the school dismissed. Jerry and Duglas [her sons] walked to the valley. There they met the horses we had sent for them.
Today I am vaccinating the negro children.
April? 19, 1851 Sorrows, afflictions and troubles crowd before me for it seems berievements will never cease. My mother, Brother, Aunt, Uncle, Niece, Cousin, Brother-in-law, all [dead] in one year.
June/July 1851 …Dr. Watson came. A [negro] child was taken very sick and given medicine. After supper I went to see the sick child. Found him dieing and two others very bad. The Dr. went out to see them and said it was cholera. Yes, cholera, with all its horrors. For seven days did it scorge us. The negros that was well went to camps in the woods but it met them there. Days and nights of horror. How can I describe them. Even now, months afterwards it is agonizing to my feelings to recall them. Mr. Robinson was in a dieing condition. Sometimes I feared to leave him for a minute least he should expire while I was gone.
July 8, 1851 Dear Sister, your letter came kindly like a path to the lost wanderer. For my many afflictions had made me dead to every thing, but the misery and death around me. I now hasten to relieve our Father’s anxiety about us – and must tell you the cholera has been with us – after a rain at evening three took it, one died in 5 hours, two the next day, another died. The overseer took the well hands and children to camps in the woods, and sent home the sick as soon as they was taken. A woman came to me with her child to her breast, sayed she was not sick, medicine was given but in 4 hours she was carried a way. Then came in two to four every day. Our house servants and nurses took it first. Alfred was unable to leave home and getting worse every day. . . . I will not describe my condition. I gave nearly all the medicine to twelve sick all the time and watched Alfred all night. Two days and nights I gave up without hope of saveing Alfred or myself. Yesterday was the first day of hope. Alfreds recovering and though he is reduced to a shadow with a severe cough and too weak to walk alone, I think he will be well again. I have watched two nights to keep him from strangling. Oh June, could you see him, you would be grieved. We have had no new cases for three days and we hope the cholera has passed. . .
Dec. 1, 1851 Christmas Holidays are here with all their merriment to the sable sons and daughters of Africa.
June 30, 1853 Some friends and some new acquaintances dined with us to day. I was truly pleased with their company. Had much agreeable chat with Mrs. Smith of by gone years and of our ancesters even to Revolutionary Times when my Grand Father fought under the command of Ethan Allan and Gen. Washington and of the many battles and the hardships they endured. Mrs. Smith spoke of the death of Gen. Warner [?], her uncle, he [fought?] at the Battle of Bunkers Hill. She said she saw three sons and a nephew depart in ’46 for the Mexican war with sorrow for they was not going to protect their country but to invade an others. All of her sons had returned safely, but one of our guests had lost the tip of his nose (her nephew), but he still had enough.
** July the 4th, 1853 A memorably day to all Americans. A day of Liberty here. The negros are enjoying it and banqueting on the good things on the place.
July 14, 1853 We have had company to diner, a Friend from Calafornia who gave us a particular discription of that country and shewed us some pieces of gold dug from the earth by him self (George Powel).
** July 21, 1853 – I have been much interested in the spiritual influence, in raising a table to answer the inquiries made of spirits of your relatives, then just and true answers to many things we know. Sister Sarah Posey [her sister] is amedium and through her medium I conversed with the beloved spirits of my departed Parents, Brothers, Sisters, etc. It is to happy a thought to believe that the spirits of the blest made perfect can wach over us here in our sinfull state and be our guardians.
Sept. 24, 1853 Got letters. One from Mr. Baldwin on his way home. The Yellow Fever is at Port Gibson. 30 cases. All our family are well . . . . It is the Plague. It came from Rio Jenero and slays as it goes hole families, devastates towns and cittys worse far worse than cholera. It is in boats on our river.
Sept. 25, 1853 This Yellow Fever or, Rio Jenero Plague keeps me troubled, not only for the dear friends I have near it. But for the community at large. The waste of human life is appalling. Thousands a week in the [United] States.
Nov. 11, 1853 To day we heard of the election. The Union Candidates beat the Secessionists all but three. Largely in our county.
** Dec. 15, 1853 My mind is easy by hearing that my sons are contented and I sit alone to night and think of them. A lone with three of the Sable children of Africa siting on the carpet by the fire at my feet – and their merriment drives all care a way.
** Dec. 18, 1853 We have been making cakes & preparing Christmas Cheer. All the negros are makeing ready their houses and clothes for gaiety.
March 23, 1854 Mr. Robinson shipped his last cotton and I sent a bill for articles with it [an order for merchandise to be sent back to her].
Early Sept. 1854 Mr. Robinson has gone to Greenwood to hear our Polititions speak . . . . I am the only white person on the place and feel lonely.
Nov. 8 1854 Mr. Fisher (the overseer) started for Talahachie Place with two waggons and 40 people [slaves] to make another home. [Forty of their slaves were being moved to the Talahachie plantation to live & work.]
** March 15, 1855 – Mr. Robinson told me of dreaming of Mr. Sheapherd, of seeing him, their conversation and he bid him farewell. Mr. R. awoke, got up and looked at his watch, it was half past one o’clock. He was grieved for he believed Mr. Shepheard was dead.
** March 18, 1855 – I rode to Dr. Fishers in the evening and heard of Mr. Sheapheards death. He died the hour Mr. Robinson dreamed Mr. Sheapheard bid him fairwell.
Nov. 1856 Mr. Robinson is not able to be a judge of the Election, But went to vote at Sidon. Millard Filmore the candidate of the American Party received all the votes but ten and may be elected to support the Constitution of the United States and would to heaven they was United.
Dec. 27, 1856 We have been disturbed in mind this week with the news of inserection and rebelion against the white comunty for Liberty by the Darkies. But I hope it is past, and no injury done in our Country. [At times Nancy Robinson used the word "country" in reference to the region or maybe the county - not the whole U.S.]
Aug. 20, 1857 Jerry [her brother-in-law] started to Talahachie Place. They are making brick and building new cabbins for the Darkies & will also build a Dwelling House.
Aug. 27, 1857 The overseer is sick. Duglas is paying attention to him and I am doing the same to a very sick negro man. I do not think he will get well.
Aug. 28, 1857 I am still nursing the sick. The rainy weather is much against them and they are no better.
Aug. 30, 1857 We all feel sad for the death of a good servant . . . . Just at night fall the servants followed Nixon [?] to his grave, and the prayers and singing was truly sad and sacred to us all.
Sept. 6, 1857 Sunday. Not one of my (white) family are able to go to church to day and I do not feel able to read though my strength is improving. [In a few of her other entries she uses the term “family” to refer to all the people on her plantation, black and white]
June 1, 1858 Sickness, wreched sickness, I am now siting by Mr. Robinson. He has been an invilid for nearly two years and most of the time confined to the house.
** Sept. 24, 1858 [Richmond, VA] Today is cool. We have a fire in the grade for Mr. R. complains of feeling chilly – in the evening he went out with Jerry to buy some more Slaves to bring home while I write June Baldwin [her sister] and Duglas.
(**) Sept. 26, 1858 We left Richmond on the [train] Cars at 5 o’clock. Jerry, Mr. R., myself & 29 slaves for our home.
. . . At Water [?] Valley we expected to meet our Carriage and a wagon for our people [slaves] but was dissappointed. Mr. R & myself staid 24 hours at Water [?] Valley and the evening of 29th went in the Stage to Grenada. Our carriage was there. Henry [Henny?] had got it there that evening. We waited there for a day for Jerry to come on with the people which he did that evening and met our wagon.
Oct. 2, 1858 The servents was rejoiced to see us return. They heard it doubted if either of us would live to return.
Oct. 11, 1858 I cannot describe my wrechedness. I go to my room but miss him there. I want as though he has gone out. Oh Alfred. Alfred. He has been my care so long, I have wached over him till I can do no more and is my labor of Love indeed. I feel as though I had nothing now to do but he told me not to weep for him but to love my children, wach over and direct them . . . . My heart aches till I am allmost suffocated. [her husband died Oct. 10, 1858]
Oct. 12, 1858 Today a sick boy [a slave] claims my attention and with an acheing heart I give it and walk from the house to the [slave] cabin often, every thing reminds me of Mr. Robinson. His horse follows me and the children in the quarters ask me where is Master Alfred gone, I cannot answer them I am so wreched. . . .
Jerry must go to Talahachie Place and take some of the People we brought from Virginia. I cannot stay alone. I told him I would go with him and he is getting the people ready to leave.
Oct. 18 & 24, 1858 I left home with Jerry for the Talahachie Place, the wagon with 11 of our new People started before us, Jerry drove me in the buggy the first days journey, and I rode on horse back the rest of the way. We arrived there at 4 o’clock. They [slaves] was all glad to see us.
** Oct. 26 thru Nov. 4, 1858 Tuesday Morning 26th Oct – We came home ([to] Sidon) and found many of our sick family [the slaves] sick unto death. I went from one to another nearly all night, with all we could do (Charles Sykes died while I was gone), and Lilly his wife next morning. That evening Lucys infant died and they was buried.
Friday 29th – This morning at nine Lucy died. Peter her husband come to our door before light to tell us he was worse but medicine treatment could not save him. He died at 11 o’clock. Charles Baily, a favorite, with all our care died at 4 o’clock that evening. Maked a loss of three good servants that day. Lucy & Peter was taken to the grave together and Charles was buried the next morning.
Sat. 30th – Our remaining sick seemed better but Pneumonia is a fearful disease. I tended on them all day and though[t?] of sleeping at night. At 12 o’clock wearier with fatigue and anxiety I lay down But was soon aroused to be told Louis Sykes was dead.
Sun. 31 Oct. – The Sun shone brightly but fear and dread was in our hearts. Every one that took sick thought they would die. Pneumonia was indeed fearful. At nine o’clock Maria a young girl died and late in the evening Sister and I went to see her and Louis buried. With humble and crushed hearts we all knelt on the earth and never was a more humble prayer made for mercy. Claiborn [a slave and preacher] asked for the distruction to ceace and for our weary and grieved hearts to be healed. We all felt the weight of sorrow, and I tried to cheer them with the hope that the sickness was over.
Thursday – I have walked about the Place all day cheering, nursing, and having every thing changed in the Cabbins that would give a different and cheerful aspect and saying the sickness is over and not put a sick one in the sick house.
(**) Nov. 17, 1858 Jerry came home . . . in the evening looking care worn and weary. Yes there was so greate a change in his appearance that Harriet [a slave] cried. She sayed it grieved her to see the child she had nursed so worn out and care worn, so young. He truly had cause. He had nursed the sick and wached over them – and eight of our good negros had died.
Jan. 4, 1859 [Jerry’s and Duglas'] uncle had Alfreds will probated and put on record. His property was privately estimated at $600,000.
Jan. 16, 1859 Claiborn our African Preacher has been very low and is now recovering and Peter also.
Jan. 17, 1859 Today I am nurseing some verry sick [slave] children with Hooping Cough and have many cares to trouble my mind.
Jan. 29, 1859 The Boys [her sons] had been to Charleston, South Carolina and bought what slaves they wanted.
Feb. 5, 1859 To night with a weary heart I look back to the past week – and think of the twenty five sick we have nursed and their condition. Two have died and three are very low.
Feb. 6, 1859 This day I am having the Place smoked with tar [?] and the houses aired and made clean and lime strewn under the houses and we have three new cases – three come sick today.
The orphan Baby six days old when its mother died Thursday is doing well.
Feb. 19 thru 21, 1859 Saturday – For three days Sister and I have nursed three sick children, two in my own room and other sick in the Sick Room. Duglas has been sick with fever and sore throat but is well now.
Sunday – This morning one of the children died and many others are very sick. I walked the galery this evening and listened to the Sad Dirge or funeral hymn as they carried the Little Boy to his grave.
Monday Morning – Sister Sarah and Anne are both sick, and eight of the People – and company comeing.
Feb. 24 & 27, 1859 I feel sad and lonely and distressed at the suffering I see. . . I some times feel that life will soon leave me if I have much more trouble to bear.
March 12, 1859 I have been packing Jerrys trunk and puting up clotheing for The People [slaves] at Cassity Place and the Mound Place also.
March 19, 1859 I am very weary in body and mind and so debilitated. I have no appetite. Often today I have thought of giving up, unable to attend to the sick. But the thought of my sons brace me to my task. This week closes with 18 convelesent to look after and tonic.
April 1&2, 1859 Friday – The [Yazoo] River is very high and we feel it will breake our Levee.
Saturday – our Levee is broken and some fifty acres of our field washed over I think.
April 20, 1859 The little Boy was very low and I feared would not survive the night. I had wached him all the morning. The company came at six and we had a very pleasant company and I would have enjoyed their conversation had I not been troubled at the death of the little black boy in my room – at 12 o’clock.
April 24, 1859 We have now lost forty of our good servants since August [8 months time]. A sad loss.
** April 29, 1859 There is to be a wedding at the [slave] Quarters this evening (London weds Ester). Anna and I witness the ceremony – and the overseer. [Often slave weddings are in her home, in the hall.]
July 2, 1859 We gave The People a Barbacue today for the 4th. The meat was excellent and the dinner good.
** July 4, 1859 Our overseer left yesterday from inability to attend to business caused by . . . drunkenness
(**) Sept. 11, 1859 I heard the overseer at Marion was a trifling fellow. Duglas wrote and he Duglas was not well, had eight sick [slaves], one dangerous.
** Dec. 26, 1859 Dancing, feasting and pleasure is going on at the Quarters. The Darkies are very happy and joyous. [Christmas time]
** Dec. 27, 1859 The rain is falling and the people are indoors quilting and doing Christmas work, visiting each other and making merry.
Jan. 6, 1860 Mrs. Morgan came from Shell Bluff Plantation and told us of Mr. Conners [?] shooting Mr. Moore with a revolver four times, which killed him.
** Jan. 17, 1860 The next morning Jerry came and we went to see a family of negroes he had bought . . . . They belonged to Gov. Brandons son who sold them to us as his minority had expired. Duglas concluded to take them to Talahatchie and we returned home to prepare for their journey.
** Feb. 8, 1860 Jerry went to Black Hawk on business, and there met a man with some negroes, which he and I bought for the River place – and he gave up going to the City; and took the People home to Tallahatchie.
** March 28, 1860 Duglas has not yet returned home, and the overseer is yet very sick, not able to be up – and I hear bad news from Tallahatchie. That 3 of the men had run off and Duglas caught them and took them back.
PART 2 – THE CIVIL WAR
Dec. 1860 I have said nothing of our political troubles since Lincoln’s election to the Presidency. The Secessionists wish to break up the Union of the States & have their interests seperately. How this will terminate, I do not know. . . . Our merchants have suspended [trade] and our cotton can not be sold for its value. All are waiting for the 4th of March to know what will be done by our new President and them that oppose his administration.
[On January 9, 1861, Mississippi became the 2nd state to secede from the Union. On February 18, Mississippi senator Jefferson Davis was sworn in as President of the Confederacy. On April 12, Ft. Sumter, S.C. was fired on by the rebels and the Civil War began]
Dec. 23, 1860 The Christmas money has been distributed [to the slaves apparently]. All are merry, and wish for fine weather to continue this week.
Dec. 25, 1860 After the greetings and merry making at home with the darkies we went to dine at Brothers [apparently at her brother-in-law Jerry's].
[In this next diary entry, Nancy Robinson talks about having to move with some of her slaves from one plantation to another because of how her husband's estate was to be settled after his death.]
** Jan. 23, 1861 I was much distressed during the week, and on Saturday at the discontent of the People that belonged to me, at going to the Tallahatchie Place, which I was to have [for] my division of the estate. They have rung my heart at the division, and were now to go to the only home I had for them or myself. I feel like a bird of passage, till I can have a house of my own . . . I am to leave this Place, so long my home, to Duglas [her son], and go to a new country . . . and live where I can, till my home can be made a home for me. It is a trial for me to go out alone and make for myself new friends for the little time I have to remain on earth. [This volume of her diary begins "Marion Plantation, Nov. 1st, 1859" which appears to be the home she is having to leave. She did not leave for the Talahachie Place until March 30, 1861.]
Jan. 28, 1861 The new home I have is situated on the Talahachie River. It is an open Plantation that needs new buildings. The humble dwelling is occupied by the overseer’s family and there must be a new gin put up before a crop can be ginned, and new cabins for the People. Which is all I can have done this year. Which will oblige me to be homeless for another year. Thus breaking off all friendly intercourse with the world, for I have no house to receive any one in.
April 21, 1861 The people from the Staton Place were to come to day to see me, and get some presents. Most of them came and selected their dresses. I was glad to see them and know their little wants. They are very well contented with their new home, and look well.
** April 21-23, 1861 There is much uneasiness now with regard to our political disentions. President Lincoln has issued his proclamation, that all the secession states come into the Union again, or he will [force] them back. He has now 70,000 armed men at the city of Washington ready for his orders. His war vessells are now round our southern coast. The secessionists will not go back without the purposed amendments to their laws, and must now contend against the armies of Lincoln. Our state calls for men to assist in this trial for ourselves. Jerry [her son] has left me this evening. He goes to Jackson, commissioned to see the governor for the company formed in this neighborhood, with regard to arms and orders.
** April 28, 1861 I have many things to distress me. I heard that a company was forming at Sidon to go to Charleston, S.C. Also a horse company, and I expect Duglas will join, as Jerry has. I feel the horror of the suffering if they do go. Capt. Dillon has called on his way up the Bayou to collect friends to fit out our county companys, to start immediately. Fort Pickens has been sustained with a great loss to our state’s men. There has been a skermish at Baltimore, he said, in which Lincoln’s men retreated. And the South, he said, would fight while she still has a man. Linclon said he will fight the South as long as he has men and money, if they do not come back into the Union.
April 29-May 1, 1861 Monday – The time passed very pleasently and happily I might say, if I had not been uneasy about Jerry going with the Army that was gathering for Corinth.
Wednesday – I will not say my patriotism made me willing for my son to leave home to endure the hardships of the camp.
** May 6, 1861 The company of vigilence met here and we had forty to dine with us. . . . Our flag for the Southern Confederacy floated in the breeze, and was hailed with cheers. . . . Gov. Pettes sent back the company from Boliver County, saying he wished those of the valley to remain to protect themselves from Abolitionists [the opponents of slavery] and home troubles.
May 21, 1861 Mr. Wright, Mr. Wells, Mr. Collier & Dr. Lenoir called. They have been to a meeting to the soundness of some suspected Abolitionist. Their fears were groundless and they returned satisfied.
June 7 & 8, 1861 The war, the war, it is a fearful cry. A gentleman dined with us, Mr. Span. He said he had heard, by letter from Capt. Ledell, from Harper’s Ferry that the Southern States had lost 26 hundred men in an engagement with Lincoln’s forces, in which the South was victorious. Though we lost many of our countrymen, Lincoln lost 4,000 men. We also heard that Stephen Duglas died on the 3rd.
June 9, 1861 Dr. Lenoir returned from New Orleans this morning . . . and contradicted the fight at Harper’s Ferry.
June 20, 1861 A letter from Mrs. Mitchel says all our friends wish to see us at Marion Place. We have been quilting comforts for the servants, with the help of 4. We will soon complete the number 50.
** July 8, 1861 Jerry began getting ready to leave his home for a year, and trust the uncertainty of war to ever return. Jerry was fine, though the grief of his people was calculated to make him regret leaving them, and he told them he must go.
** July 15, 1861 Our soldiers left in the morning for the camp, and my company of ladies went in the carriage and buggy at ten. . . . Mr. Helm addressed the company (the Sunflower guards [representing Sunflower County]), and presented them with a banner. . . . The dancing began. I went to see the dance and found that both my sons were dancing happily. How long, I asked myself, can they be so happy. These sad times, when our country is in a struggle for Peace on Earth. The time is uncertain. After the festivity was over I went with Mr. Wells to the Camp, where we were invited to see them drill and performed mock battle. I saw the company in their heavy uniforms and arms go through their exercises in double quick time, and the exertion and weariness they showed grieved me – dear children of the South raised tenderly. How can they be able to bear the druggery of camp life.
July 26, 1861 Mrs. Humphries (wife of Gen. H.) wrote me requesting us to make 12 pair pants for the soldiers, and we have in all 21 pair to make for the Sunflower Guards.
July 27, 1861 We are all interested and agitated at the battles that have been fought this week. Last Sunday the most fatal battle since the one at Waterloo was fought at Manassas, and though our Confederate soldiers made the enemy retreat, it was a sad victory to us. Brother Jerry has just come in from Richmond and the Confederate camp. He give us the account of the fight. Our losses were small compared to that of the enemy. He said there was much plunder taken in army provisions and our President [Jefferson Davis] calls for more men; and Linclon too.
[There were 5,000 casualties at the first battle of Manassas (AKA Bull Run)]
August 1, 1861 I feel restless, and how can any one feel easy, when our country is in a warfare for her independence, and the Peace of her people.
[The volumes of her diary that cover Oct. 1861 through December 1864 are missing, perhaps destroyed by the Yankees when they destroyed many of the books in her home along with other personal property of hers. In December 1862, her son Jerry was freed from military service due to the Confederate Congress’ October 1862 law drafting able-bodied men of a certain age into military service. The law allowed a draftee who could afford it to pay someone to take his place and exempted those who owned at least twenty slaves. It placed the greatest burden of war on the poorer residents of the South. On Sept. 22, 1862 Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing the slaves in territory that was at war with the Union, which took effect on Jan. 1, 1863. The 13th amendment to the Constitution, abolishing slavery, was ratified in 1865.]
************************************************************************
** THE FOLLOWING IS A LETTER WRITTEN TO MY GREAT-GREAT-GRANDMOTHER BY ONE OF HER SISTERS DURING THE WAR. IT ILLUSTRATES HOW HORRIBLE THE WAR WAS FOR WHITE SOUTHERN PROPERTY OWNERS.
Port Gibson (MS), June 26, 1863
Dear Sister Nancy,
I sit down to write you a few lines not knowing whether this will reach you. I know you must be anxious in regard to us but have had no opportunity to write you with any expectation that you would receive a letter.
We have not heard from you for a long time and would like to know what has become of you.
The Yankees as you are aware came here and fought General Bimers at the Shaifer & Buck plantations on the 2nd of May 35,000 against 7,000. Our forces retreated and burned the bridge across the Bayou and escaped. The town was occupied by the Yankees who behaved as well as other thieves, merely taking all they wanted and destroying what they did not want. They have literally ruined the best half of the county and taken thousands of negroes away.
I have not one [slave] worth a cent on the Dotson place and but 12 hands on the Haro Simes place. All or nearly all of our stock, waggons, etc. including my old tooth brush have been stolen – 175 negroes have been taken off from the places which I own and control. My town negroes all remained except Argyle (the last I expected to leave me). ALL of David McDougall’s negroes left him and Mrs. Ann McDougall had only Mary and child. Keinard Shreve & Mr. Hoopes lost ALL. Mrs. Session – ALL. Mrs. McAlpine ALL. Mrs. Valentine & Mrs. Crane nearly ALL. All along the road to Rocky Springs has been “cleaned out” – The Davenport Estate & Shields places are ruined… Mrs. Daniels etc. It is sickening to add it up.
If we gain Vicksburg and defeat them, as I believe we will, we will get many of them back. All except the men are put on plantations on the other side of the river above Vicksburgh. And we may get back those who don’t die from exposure.
Sarah’s negroes are all here – wish to God she had them, as I wrote her long ago. They take negroes whether they wish to go or not – to my certain knowledge.
They have a gun boat stationed at the Gulf and make raids into the surrounding country when they please – there are more in Jefferson County robbing and plundering. When this will end God only knows. I am ruined to all appearances & have lost not less than $150,000. I will go to Mrs. Valentine’s tomorrow (Mr. V. is dead) with Parene. We are as usual since the Yankees came. They stole all of the provisions wherever they went. Write to me. The mail is expected this evening but may not come.
Yrs Truly S
[My great-great-aunt's hopes for a Confederate victory at Vicksburg were shattered. The city surrendered on July 4, 1863.]
********************************************************************
THE FOLLOWING IS AN EXCERPT FROM A LETTER WRITTEN TO MY GREAT-GREAT-GRANDMOTHER ON OCT. 18, 1863 BY SISTER JANE IN PORT GIBSON, MS
John tells us Sarah [Posey] is coming for Emma [her slave], which I think is wise on her part. She is a valuable woman and might be taken off by the Yankees if they extend their lines to P.G. [Port Gibson, MS] which they threaten to do. I was very much afraid Pete [one of her slaves] would go off with some of the negro boys of his age who went.
THIS LETTER FROM JANE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY A LETTER FROM ANOTHER SISTER, PART OF WHICH READ AS FOLLOWS:
Sidon, 5th Nov. ’63
Dear Sister Nancy,
The accompanying letter from sister Jane will, no doubt, give you full particulars of brother Daniel’s death on the 6 [?] October of a disease similar to fathers and of 17 days duration. I got to Port Gibson only in time to see him buried. He had not recovered any of his servants & his family are left quite needy. His wife’s brother Benjamen W. Johnston of Mobile I sent for & we are to arrange, someway, for their present support.
********************************************************************
[In November of 1864, the Union re-elected Lincoln President]
I return now to Nancy Robinson’s diary entries:
** Feb. 11, 1865 The Boys are at Alban & we are preparing for the wedding of two servents, Agustus & Sopha. The supper table is set, Duglas, Walter & Daniel are come in a canoe – all are ready. At 8 o’clock Agustus & Sopha were married in the hall.
Feb. 19, 1865 Mr. Robertson from Charleston [MS] came to press negro men for government service to drive teams [of horses]. I road to Alban to bring the required man for one from each family would be enough.
Feb. 24, 1865 Mr. McDougal [brother] has left us for a journey. I feel forlorn – truly my only brother is gone for a long stay. I fear these dangerous times. We may never meet again. He was like the anchor of hope to lean upon.
Feb. 24 or 25, 1865 By sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken.
** Feb. 26, 1865 I think Mr. Lincoln can make no atonement to heaven or earth for the sorrow and suffering his sins has caused on this continent. He came to office with one intent, one hobby, to take or steal from the South their property [including slaves] & he will murder every Southern man, woman, and child and half the North before he will give up that dishonest intent. For half the money expended in this war would buy every slave in the South. President Lincoln sits in luxury at the White House & cares not for the thousands of helpless women & children he has had robbed & left in poverty & want, yes Starving. He has no thought for the sin of arming the slaves to fight against them that served and protected them. He has no soul to fear for the millions of lives he has caused to cease their usefullness in this life. All this he could have stayed by acting the good and just man when he came into office. The Savior says he that begins with the sword will end with the sword.
March 19, 1865 Much of our news comes from the federal reports, sometimes told to deceive.
** April 1, 1865 Jerry . . . brought some Federal papers which makes us fear falling into the clutches of such creatures as their own papers show they are.
April 6, 1865 Reading Staton dined here. . . . Selma, he said, was taken by the Feds & all the company his brother belonged to was captured but ten & his brother missing.
** April 12, 1865 David Wright brought us papers. . . . President Davis shows his want of confidence in our resources. Lincoln is a wicked murderer.
** April 17, 1865 We hear that Richmond is lost to us & Mobile is taken, yet we hope never to return to the people of the Union. Where is the independence of the country if they force people to stay with them?
** April 23, 1865 Jerry received a letter from W. B. Miller. He is a soldier stationed near Richmond. Our soldiers are determined to fight till they are crushed out rather than go back to such people. . . . Duglas returned from Mr. Wright with news that Lincoln and Seward [Secretary of State] were both assassinated – that the news came from the Yankees – it may be false, we hear many reports.
[Although my great-great-grandmother received the news on April 23 Linclon was actually shot on April 14 and died the next day. Seward survived the attempt on his life.]
April 26, 1865 [I] heard that Levi Staton had made his escape from the Yankees and gotten home with his horses, but had lost his servant man Dock.
April 28, 1865 The death of Lincoln & many other greate events we hope will bring about Peace.
May 5, 1865 Joe Bell came for me to go to Alban, I found all well, yet there was much water on the place – my wheat crop was entirely ruined, 100 hogs had died from the cholera, a disease caused by the high water – & many other losses equally heavy yet I hope we may live. I have many [slaves] depending on me for support & am thankful to the Almighty for my blessings.
** May 8, 1865 Jerry was sad. He said some soldiers that staid all night said Gen. Lee . . . surrendered [our] armies & we were now in Yankee lines. I tried to cheer him, said I did not believe it.
** May 9, 1865 Duglas came with a shout. Sayed the War was over & we were again in the Union. All our forces on this side of the Miss. River were surrendered. . . . [He said that] the Yankee boats were running the river as they once did before the war, that he was treated kindly & asked to trade, etc. The news astonished me, yet must be true.
[Gen. Lee actually agreed to surrender on April 9, with the formal surrender taking place April 11, a few days before Lincoln's assassination. It took awhile for everyone to get the news that the war was over - almost a month for my great-great-grandmother.]
** May 12, 1865 I feel a relief I cannot describe with the war being ended – and a horror as deep – at going into the Union – with the people the South has risked their lives to get from. The terms of the surrender we do not know, but cannot expect any justice or mercy from them that have none. Soldiers are here. Our table is spread to the furthest extent for our guests. Poor noble soldiers of the South.
** May 21, 1865 The uncertainty of the ultimate result of this overpowering the Southern people & forcing them to do what they do not wish to, is not freedom. But we must submit, for we are few and weak. The North are many & strong. This is submission. The South has nobly born her sorrows and her wrongs.
** May 25, 1865 The soldiers are disheartened, all are sad – they have nothing to expect from the Feds but to be crushed is the general opinion. When the wicked rule the land mourns. All are mourning for their hearts are crushed.
** May 29, 1865 Brother John McDougal came with a servant from Alban. . . . He had left his wife and son well in New York City. . . . He told us much of the Northern people and their bitterness toward us. The Yankees have proclaimed our negros free & will try to confiscate our lands. They have robbed & ruined The People for revenge, which is ours. They have robbed me of 65 thousand dollars worth of negro property & left my lands useless to me I fear.
[On January 9, 1861, Mississippi became the 2nd state to secede from the Union. On February 18, Mississippi senator Jefferson Davis was sworn in as President of the Confederacy. On April 12, Ft. Sumter, S.C. was fired on by the rebels and the Civil War began]
Dec. 23, 1860 The Christmas money has been distributed [to the slaves apparently]. All are merry, and wish for fine weather to continue this week.
Dec. 25, 1860 After the greetings and merry making at home with the darkies we went to dine at Brothers [apparently at her brother-in-law Jerry's].
[In this next diary entry, Nancy Robinson talks about having to move with some of her slaves from one plantation to another because of how her husband's estate was to be settled after his death.]
** Jan. 23, 1861 I was much distressed during the week, and on Saturday at the discontent of the People that belonged to me, at going to the Tallahatchie Place, which I was to have [for] my division of the estate. They have rung my heart at the division, and were now to go to the only home I had for them or myself. I feel like a bird of passage, till I can have a house of my own . . . I am to leave this Place, so long my home, to Duglas [her son], and go to a new country . . . and live where I can, till my home can be made a home for me. It is a trial for me to go out alone and make for myself new friends for the little time I have to remain on earth. [This volume of her diary begins "Marion Plantation, Nov. 1st, 1859" which appears to be the home she is having to leave. She did not leave for the Talahachie Place until March 30, 1861.]
Jan. 28, 1861 The new home I have is situated on the Talahachie River. It is an open Plantation that needs new buildings. The humble dwelling is occupied by the overseer’s family and there must be a new gin put up before a crop can be ginned, and new cabins for the People. Which is all I can have done this year. Which will oblige me to be homeless for another year. Thus breaking off all friendly intercourse with the world, for I have no house to receive any one in.
April 21, 1861 The people from the Staton Place were to come to day to see me, and get some presents. Most of them came and selected their dresses. I was glad to see them and know their little wants. They are very well contented with their new home, and look well.
** April 21-23, 1861 There is much uneasiness now with regard to our political disentions. President Lincoln has issued his proclamation, that all the secession states come into the Union again, or he will [force] them back. He has now 70,000 armed men at the city of Washington ready for his orders. His war vessells are now round our southern coast. The secessionists will not go back without the purposed amendments to their laws, and must now contend against the armies of Lincoln. Our state calls for men to assist in this trial for ourselves. Jerry [her son] has left me this evening. He goes to Jackson, commissioned to see the governor for the company formed in this neighborhood, with regard to arms and orders.
** April 28, 1861 I have many things to distress me. I heard that a company was forming at Sidon to go to Charleston, S.C. Also a horse company, and I expect Duglas will join, as Jerry has. I feel the horror of the suffering if they do go. Capt. Dillon has called on his way up the Bayou to collect friends to fit out our county companys, to start immediately. Fort Pickens has been sustained with a great loss to our state’s men. There has been a skermish at Baltimore, he said, in which Lincoln’s men retreated. And the South, he said, would fight while she still has a man. Linclon said he will fight the South as long as he has men and money, if they do not come back into the Union.
April 29-May 1, 1861 Monday – The time passed very pleasently and happily I might say, if I had not been uneasy about Jerry going with the Army that was gathering for Corinth.
Wednesday – I will not say my patriotism made me willing for my son to leave home to endure the hardships of the camp.
** May 6, 1861 The company of vigilence met here and we had forty to dine with us. . . . Our flag for the Southern Confederacy floated in the breeze, and was hailed with cheers. . . . Gov. Pettes sent back the company from Boliver County, saying he wished those of the valley to remain to protect themselves from Abolitionists [the opponents of slavery] and home troubles.
May 21, 1861 Mr. Wright, Mr. Wells, Mr. Collier & Dr. Lenoir called. They have been to a meeting to the soundness of some suspected Abolitionist. Their fears were groundless and they returned satisfied.
June 7 & 8, 1861 The war, the war, it is a fearful cry. A gentleman dined with us, Mr. Span. He said he had heard, by letter from Capt. Ledell, from Harper’s Ferry that the Southern States had lost 26 hundred men in an engagement with Lincoln’s forces, in which the South was victorious. Though we lost many of our countrymen, Lincoln lost 4,000 men. We also heard that Stephen Duglas died on the 3rd.
June 9, 1861 Dr. Lenoir returned from New Orleans this morning . . . and contradicted the fight at Harper’s Ferry.
June 20, 1861 A letter from Mrs. Mitchel says all our friends wish to see us at Marion Place. We have been quilting comforts for the servants, with the help of 4. We will soon complete the number 50.
** July 8, 1861 Jerry began getting ready to leave his home for a year, and trust the uncertainty of war to ever return. Jerry was fine, though the grief of his people was calculated to make him regret leaving them, and he told them he must go.
** July 15, 1861 Our soldiers left in the morning for the camp, and my company of ladies went in the carriage and buggy at ten. . . . Mr. Helm addressed the company (the Sunflower guards [representing Sunflower County]), and presented them with a banner. . . . The dancing began. I went to see the dance and found that both my sons were dancing happily. How long, I asked myself, can they be so happy. These sad times, when our country is in a struggle for Peace on Earth. The time is uncertain. After the festivity was over I went with Mr. Wells to the Camp, where we were invited to see them drill and performed mock battle. I saw the company in their heavy uniforms and arms go through their exercises in double quick time, and the exertion and weariness they showed grieved me – dear children of the South raised tenderly. How can they be able to bear the druggery of camp life.
July 26, 1861 Mrs. Humphries (wife of Gen. H.) wrote me requesting us to make 12 pair pants for the soldiers, and we have in all 21 pair to make for the Sunflower Guards.
July 27, 1861 We are all interested and agitated at the battles that have been fought this week. Last Sunday the most fatal battle since the one at Waterloo was fought at Manassas, and though our Confederate soldiers made the enemy retreat, it was a sad victory to us. Brother Jerry has just come in from Richmond and the Confederate camp. He give us the account of the fight. Our losses were small compared to that of the enemy. He said there was much plunder taken in army provisions and our President [Jefferson Davis] calls for more men; and Linclon too.
[There were 5,000 casualties at the first battle of Manassas (AKA Bull Run)]
August 1, 1861 I feel restless, and how can any one feel easy, when our country is in a warfare for her independence, and the Peace of her people.
[The volumes of her diary that cover Oct. 1861 through December 1864 are missing, perhaps destroyed by the Yankees when they destroyed many of the books in her home along with other personal property of hers. In December 1862, her son Jerry was freed from military service due to the Confederate Congress’ October 1862 law drafting able-bodied men of a certain age into military service. The law allowed a draftee who could afford it to pay someone to take his place and exempted those who owned at least twenty slaves. It placed the greatest burden of war on the poorer residents of the South. On Sept. 22, 1862 Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing the slaves in territory that was at war with the Union, which took effect on Jan. 1, 1863. The 13th amendment to the Constitution, abolishing slavery, was ratified in 1865.]
************************************************************************
** THE FOLLOWING IS A LETTER WRITTEN TO MY GREAT-GREAT-GRANDMOTHER BY ONE OF HER SISTERS DURING THE WAR. IT ILLUSTRATES HOW HORRIBLE THE WAR WAS FOR WHITE SOUTHERN PROPERTY OWNERS.
Port Gibson (MS), June 26, 1863
Dear Sister Nancy,
I sit down to write you a few lines not knowing whether this will reach you. I know you must be anxious in regard to us but have had no opportunity to write you with any expectation that you would receive a letter.
We have not heard from you for a long time and would like to know what has become of you.
The Yankees as you are aware came here and fought General Bimers at the Shaifer & Buck plantations on the 2nd of May 35,000 against 7,000. Our forces retreated and burned the bridge across the Bayou and escaped. The town was occupied by the Yankees who behaved as well as other thieves, merely taking all they wanted and destroying what they did not want. They have literally ruined the best half of the county and taken thousands of negroes away.
I have not one [slave] worth a cent on the Dotson place and but 12 hands on the Haro Simes place. All or nearly all of our stock, waggons, etc. including my old tooth brush have been stolen – 175 negroes have been taken off from the places which I own and control. My town negroes all remained except Argyle (the last I expected to leave me). ALL of David McDougall’s negroes left him and Mrs. Ann McDougall had only Mary and child. Keinard Shreve & Mr. Hoopes lost ALL. Mrs. Session – ALL. Mrs. McAlpine ALL. Mrs. Valentine & Mrs. Crane nearly ALL. All along the road to Rocky Springs has been “cleaned out” – The Davenport Estate & Shields places are ruined… Mrs. Daniels etc. It is sickening to add it up.
If we gain Vicksburg and defeat them, as I believe we will, we will get many of them back. All except the men are put on plantations on the other side of the river above Vicksburgh. And we may get back those who don’t die from exposure.
Sarah’s negroes are all here – wish to God she had them, as I wrote her long ago. They take negroes whether they wish to go or not – to my certain knowledge.
They have a gun boat stationed at the Gulf and make raids into the surrounding country when they please – there are more in Jefferson County robbing and plundering. When this will end God only knows. I am ruined to all appearances & have lost not less than $150,000. I will go to Mrs. Valentine’s tomorrow (Mr. V. is dead) with Parene. We are as usual since the Yankees came. They stole all of the provisions wherever they went. Write to me. The mail is expected this evening but may not come.
Yrs Truly S
[My great-great-aunt's hopes for a Confederate victory at Vicksburg were shattered. The city surrendered on July 4, 1863.]
********************************************************************
THE FOLLOWING IS AN EXCERPT FROM A LETTER WRITTEN TO MY GREAT-GREAT-GRANDMOTHER ON OCT. 18, 1863 BY SISTER JANE IN PORT GIBSON, MS
John tells us Sarah [Posey] is coming for Emma [her slave], which I think is wise on her part. She is a valuable woman and might be taken off by the Yankees if they extend their lines to P.G. [Port Gibson, MS] which they threaten to do. I was very much afraid Pete [one of her slaves] would go off with some of the negro boys of his age who went.
THIS LETTER FROM JANE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY A LETTER FROM ANOTHER SISTER, PART OF WHICH READ AS FOLLOWS:
Sidon, 5th Nov. ’63
Dear Sister Nancy,
The accompanying letter from sister Jane will, no doubt, give you full particulars of brother Daniel’s death on the 6 [?] October of a disease similar to fathers and of 17 days duration. I got to Port Gibson only in time to see him buried. He had not recovered any of his servants & his family are left quite needy. His wife’s brother Benjamen W. Johnston of Mobile I sent for & we are to arrange, someway, for their present support.
********************************************************************
[In November of 1864, the Union re-elected Lincoln President]
I return now to Nancy Robinson’s diary entries:
** Feb. 11, 1865 The Boys are at Alban & we are preparing for the wedding of two servents, Agustus & Sopha. The supper table is set, Duglas, Walter & Daniel are come in a canoe – all are ready. At 8 o’clock Agustus & Sopha were married in the hall.
Feb. 19, 1865 Mr. Robertson from Charleston [MS] came to press negro men for government service to drive teams [of horses]. I road to Alban to bring the required man for one from each family would be enough.
Feb. 24, 1865 Mr. McDougal [brother] has left us for a journey. I feel forlorn – truly my only brother is gone for a long stay. I fear these dangerous times. We may never meet again. He was like the anchor of hope to lean upon.
Feb. 24 or 25, 1865 By sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken.
** Feb. 26, 1865 I think Mr. Lincoln can make no atonement to heaven or earth for the sorrow and suffering his sins has caused on this continent. He came to office with one intent, one hobby, to take or steal from the South their property [including slaves] & he will murder every Southern man, woman, and child and half the North before he will give up that dishonest intent. For half the money expended in this war would buy every slave in the South. President Lincoln sits in luxury at the White House & cares not for the thousands of helpless women & children he has had robbed & left in poverty & want, yes Starving. He has no thought for the sin of arming the slaves to fight against them that served and protected them. He has no soul to fear for the millions of lives he has caused to cease their usefullness in this life. All this he could have stayed by acting the good and just man when he came into office. The Savior says he that begins with the sword will end with the sword.
March 19, 1865 Much of our news comes from the federal reports, sometimes told to deceive.
** April 1, 1865 Jerry . . . brought some Federal papers which makes us fear falling into the clutches of such creatures as their own papers show they are.
April 6, 1865 Reading Staton dined here. . . . Selma, he said, was taken by the Feds & all the company his brother belonged to was captured but ten & his brother missing.
** April 12, 1865 David Wright brought us papers. . . . President Davis shows his want of confidence in our resources. Lincoln is a wicked murderer.
** April 17, 1865 We hear that Richmond is lost to us & Mobile is taken, yet we hope never to return to the people of the Union. Where is the independence of the country if they force people to stay with them?
** April 23, 1865 Jerry received a letter from W. B. Miller. He is a soldier stationed near Richmond. Our soldiers are determined to fight till they are crushed out rather than go back to such people. . . . Duglas returned from Mr. Wright with news that Lincoln and Seward [Secretary of State] were both assassinated – that the news came from the Yankees – it may be false, we hear many reports.
[Although my great-great-grandmother received the news on April 23 Linclon was actually shot on April 14 and died the next day. Seward survived the attempt on his life.]
April 26, 1865 [I] heard that Levi Staton had made his escape from the Yankees and gotten home with his horses, but had lost his servant man Dock.
April 28, 1865 The death of Lincoln & many other greate events we hope will bring about Peace.
May 5, 1865 Joe Bell came for me to go to Alban, I found all well, yet there was much water on the place – my wheat crop was entirely ruined, 100 hogs had died from the cholera, a disease caused by the high water – & many other losses equally heavy yet I hope we may live. I have many [slaves] depending on me for support & am thankful to the Almighty for my blessings.
** May 8, 1865 Jerry was sad. He said some soldiers that staid all night said Gen. Lee . . . surrendered [our] armies & we were now in Yankee lines. I tried to cheer him, said I did not believe it.
** May 9, 1865 Duglas came with a shout. Sayed the War was over & we were again in the Union. All our forces on this side of the Miss. River were surrendered. . . . [He said that] the Yankee boats were running the river as they once did before the war, that he was treated kindly & asked to trade, etc. The news astonished me, yet must be true.
[Gen. Lee actually agreed to surrender on April 9, with the formal surrender taking place April 11, a few days before Lincoln's assassination. It took awhile for everyone to get the news that the war was over - almost a month for my great-great-grandmother.]
** May 12, 1865 I feel a relief I cannot describe with the war being ended – and a horror as deep – at going into the Union – with the people the South has risked their lives to get from. The terms of the surrender we do not know, but cannot expect any justice or mercy from them that have none. Soldiers are here. Our table is spread to the furthest extent for our guests. Poor noble soldiers of the South.
** May 21, 1865 The uncertainty of the ultimate result of this overpowering the Southern people & forcing them to do what they do not wish to, is not freedom. But we must submit, for we are few and weak. The North are many & strong. This is submission. The South has nobly born her sorrows and her wrongs.
** May 25, 1865 The soldiers are disheartened, all are sad – they have nothing to expect from the Feds but to be crushed is the general opinion. When the wicked rule the land mourns. All are mourning for their hearts are crushed.
** May 29, 1865 Brother John McDougal came with a servant from Alban. . . . He had left his wife and son well in New York City. . . . He told us much of the Northern people and their bitterness toward us. The Yankees have proclaimed our negros free & will try to confiscate our lands. They have robbed & ruined The People for revenge, which is ours. They have robbed me of 65 thousand dollars worth of negro property & left my lands useless to me I fear.
PART 3 –RECONSTRUCTION AND THE YEARS THAT FOLLOWED
** June 7, 1865 Mr. McDougall [her brother], Daniel & I went to Alban. When we got there the overseer was in the field. I saw Aunt Becky. She said they were all well & getting ready to go for they were FREE. I could not refrain from coughing when she told me that some was going to the city of Richmond [VA], to Charlston, SC & different places at a great distance. That day I called them all to the house. I then told them to stay & they should have their share of the cotton crop etc. All was satisfactory & they went to the field. We staid all night. The next day we all rode to Mr. Martin’s store for we heard that he had President Johnson’s Proclamation. . . . Brother read it aloud to us. I then fully felt our wretchedness. It was suffering acute with poverty in view, the wants & poverty of the thousands thus robbed . . . sickened my heart.
I feel bad, very bad. The prospects are gloomy. The Yankees have left us no consolation. All would gladly leave the country to get from their hateful government. But where can they go? They have impoverished us.
There is no alternative but to stay & submit to their dishonest tyrany with a hatred that is unChristian like the day is dark.
June 19, 1865 I went to the Quarter [where the slaves - now Freedmen - lived] to see the sick, to the cook house & loom house to see the weaving. I got back weary & sad.
June 20, 1865 I am trying to bear my change of fortune yet I know not how I may make a support [?].
July 28, 1865 Went again from home to stay at Alban to go in the morning to Sunflower to a public speaking. The speaker contends that Lincoln’s proclamation does not emancipate the negroes lawfully, Congress must act on the dishonest order, that the South claims her rights. She has been overpowered, humbled to the dust with four years war & desolation. They must not now ruin her & injure themselves to resent our right to a separation from them. It is worse than a bad marriage. They will not allow a divorce. Insults after wrongs are inflicted.
[In this next entry she describes a wedding of two freedmen]
Aug. 5, 1865 Saturday the 5th was the day of dining at Alban & a wedding. We all went early. Many had been invited. The preparation were large. At 12 o’clock Charley & Laura were married in the hall by Casey [?]. We then dined. The bride’s cake was cut by the young people, who did not find the ring. The young people took a ride to Mr. & Mrs. Statons where we had been invited to his darkies dinner.
Aug. 14, 1865 I made a verbal contract with the negroes that once belonged to me. In June we thought it best to have a written contract though it was the same.
** Aug. 20, 1865 Jerry [her son] called up the People [Freedmen] & told them about the contract & asked if any wanted to leave their home (for some of his was going). To my surprise almost all said they were going. I expostulated with them. Told them they were leaving friends & home to hunt their bread, that they could not get employment with more wages than I was giving if they got work & advised them to stay. Some said they had no fault with the place of the white folks but they wanted to travel, some to Virginia, others to Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, etc. to see their friends & relatives. I was troubled for them. Many I had raised from infancy, watched over their orphan childhood & reared them to manhood. Now regardless of my feelings for them they seemed pleased with the change of going. Poor creatures. You still need the white people’s care and protection. At sunset Jerry, Mrs. Bridges & I, weak and weary, mounted our horses & road to Beulah without speaking, so troubled & confounded at what I had seen.
** Sept. 17, 1865 Jerry went to Alban to see the People that had come back, five grown ones & three children. Mary Jane, the house woman that always waited on me & slept in my room when I was at home, had started for Memphis to live.
Oct. 11, 1865 Duglas returned late. He was much elated for his pardon had come from President Johnson [for fighting in the war] & he felt that he yet had a home if nothing more. The Yankee robbers have mined the South.
Oct. 30, 1865 Though too weak to sit up all day the plantation business appears to be going on but not with that regularity it once did or the industry. The same house servants & the same kind attention that was always paid me. They & their little ones are still clothed & fed as when we owned them. There will be a change at Christmas for they are looking forward to it as a Jubilee.
** Dec. 17, 1865
My heart, within my fevered breast
Is beating, beating wearily
And memory with a sad unrest
Wails through its chambers drearily
(Nancy Robinson)
March 11, 1866 This is a bright & pleasant day. The water is high in the Cassidy Bayou. The Talahachie [River] is rising slowly. All hope we may not have an overflow this year. For it would ruin us all. A crop is all the dependence for a living. Now we are robbed & crushed by the Federals with heavy taxes now over us. Our crops will support for another year and give hope for the future. (This is a general view of our situation.) My family however have less cause of complaint than many others. We all have homes left us & means to pay off our liabilities.
Nov. 25, 1866 We had the company of Mr. Richards & Lady from Boston, making [?] a business visit to some of our household. They are very pleasant people, though Yankees.
Dec. 23, 1866 The negroes are preparing for a New Year & wish to leave their old homes for the change. They think it wrong to see nothing of the world by staying at one place.
** Dec. 25, 1866 At 11 o’clock a boat with 25 of Jerry’s Freedmen pushed from his shore on their way to new homes.
Dec. 27, 1866 Many more of the Free negroes of the Place are going away this cold day to new homes with their little ones.
Nov. 17, 1867 This is a bright cool day, yet every day seems gloomy & thoughtful.
The South truly has cause for sadness. First her oppression by military rule & taxation, the overflow [of the river & bayou, ruining crops], greate sickness of mules, cattle & hogs by disease, draught & cotton worms destroying the crops, & the low prices for what is saved will not renumerate the Planter for his labor & out lay.
Dec. 8, 1867 The steamer Calumet is expected at my landing & I will have 42 bales of cotton shipped to New Orleans. . . . I have no one yet employed on my Plantation & know not what to do yet, with regard to hiring Freedmen. The price of cotton is so low we can not make anything by raising it. I am troubled about many things. My children & I are possessed of real estate but it only brings taxation.
Dec. 15, 1867 Sister writes of the want of money to support the needy & the injustice of the military rule which prevents justice being balanced to all alike.
Dec. 17, 1867 [Jerry] shipped his cotton bales on the Calumet [boat] – he told me much news of our Countrys condition that Troubles me.
Dec. 25, 1867 Christmas Day 67 – before light many nocks at our door caused me to rise early. Merry Christmas was the Shout for hours.
Egg Nog & Breakfast Cake & Candy. Dinner & Coffee.
The Freedmen & women danced till a late hour in the hall. At 11 o’clock I lay down to rest in weariness, with a humble heart.
** Feb. 24, 1868 I am having the silverware we have left cleaned. It has been abused by being thrown into the Bayou when a Yankee raid was coming – been in the house, hid in the woods, and buried in the earth – to keep it from Yankee robbers. . . . Col. Coats soldiers took all they could find & broke the china they could not take away & destroyed a bureau full of clothing belonging to me (at Marion) & tore up & carried off books to throw away — long, long will our injuries and wrongs be remembered – from those bigoted self-righteous Yankees – corrupted by a little money to pay them for killing people . . . & burning houses & destroying.
April 12, 1868 The Sheriff called to day to collect the convention tax. He said it must be paid by 22nd.
May 2, 1868 The European immigration scheme is very pleasing to us. Jerry saw & heard Mr. Everet speak when he was at Vicksburg. I would be glad to see our country filled up with good people of the white race.
May 5, 1868 Pres. Johnson is acquited of the frivolous charges brought against him which shows the malice & little meanness of the Radical Party, who are so corrupt they will never right the once called Union.
** June 16, 1868 Mary our cook told me Dad Johnson died yesterday. He was a freedman of ours. His mother Percile served me from my marriage till she was free [for about 30 years], faithfully. I had raised Dad & many more of her children. He was a good man & [his death is] a loss to the world. He died at Mr. Hawkins’ where he was living this year.
** July 26, 1868
There is a crop of heavy weight
for every human life to bear
There is a chaplet formed of thorns
for each & every brow to wear
(Nancy Robinson)
Aug. 3, 1868 I heard of the death of Adam, a freedman of Jerry’s. He had helped raise my children & in old age they would take care of him but he left us when free to be independent & I fear needed kind care & good nursing.
Aug. 7, 1868 [Jerry] brought me a lettter from Duglas who wrote that he was troubled at his losses which was equal to his liabilities. He had lost his five grey riding horses, & his other grey he didn’t think would live. His pony also has charbone & his mules had died till he had not enough to gin his cotton crop. . . . I saw him loose $70,000 worth of negro property by a dishonest government & was glad to get a pardon [from the war] for fear they would take his home. His broad lands are left him. They give him a living & home.
Aug. 16, 1868 I rode in the plantation to see if the worms was ruining the cotton. . . . We need dry weather very much. The cotton is growing too high [and] the insects are ruinous. The corn is so heavy it is falling down on the soft earth & will soon decay. This is truly a trying time for planters. . . . The rain prevents any improvments being made for the rain is falling every day and night. The grass & weeds are growing in the cotton fields . . . and [it's] too wet to plough or hoe it down.
Nov. 9, 1868 Should Seymore be [elected] President the Southern people will revive in the hope of Justice. Misissippi has not been allowed to vote, or many other Southern states.
Nov. 26, 1868 [Gen.] Grant is elected President & we meekly submit to a majority.
Jan. 1, 1869 President [Jefferson] Davis is pardoned by Pres. Johnson & acquitted by the law. Financially, our condition is better than it was 12 months ago. There is more food in our country.
Jan. 3, 1869
A cross of toil and worldly grief
A burden of suspense and care
He has imposed upon us all
And each a heavy load must bear
A crown awaits each faithful heart
Each ernest self-denying soul
(Nancy Robinson)
Feb. 27, 1869 We are looking forward to “[Pres.] Grant Times”, but do not expect any good from such a wicked & depraved man.
March 7, 1869 Several of the freedmen from Alban have been to see me today. It is cheering to see their pleased faces.
May 1, 1869 The time has been and I have met with sorrows I shall never forget.
May 16, 1869 A good servant named Julia is dying with dropsy. She has long been ours (before freedom as they now say). This distresses me for she leaves three little ones — one a baby — their father an old & feble man.
** September 14, 1869 – Col. McLemore rode to the gate. He said there was trouble for . . . two hundred negroes had congregated at the Ancher Plantation in Sunflower County. On Saturday 80 mounted [Negro] men with flags & horns, armed with guns, sabers, pistols & some with large knives rode from Boid’s Store to Mr. Minters. There they shot many times without aim. They said a negro man called Combush that was with them had intended to speak to the negroes & had heard that the whites had forbid it. They made such noise at places & shot a pistol over two ladies heads, made many threats & many families left their homes & slept in the woods.
** October 8, 1869 – We heard from Mrs. Boid that their sheriff was not killed (as we had heard). The negroes had been all waiting at places to hear negroes speak & preach. The negro man Combush had just gone when we got there. He was doing much to make the negroes think they were entitled to all the crops they had made or help work. Many was riding around the country instead of picking cotton.
Oct. 16, 1869 The people of Sunflower [County] are still troubled. The Yankee sheriff & Judge have brought this trouble by being traitors to the country. . . .
. . . Mrs. Martha Reading & Lilly Collier with Carrie called for a few minutes to see me & urged me to go home with them. Two [white] men on horseback came in sight, but delayed till the ladies left. They then rode in at the lower gate, left their horses. I soon saw them and they passed a house with Peter Sykes, a freedman, going before them. They had guns drawn on him & [were] heavily armed with pistols & knives. They broke the doors & searched all, breaking locks & doors. I went out when I saw them going to break a door & forbade it. One answered they had a right to do it. I asked for their authority. He said he would give me a receipt. (They were drunk.) They took the guns & pistols to the road where a mounted [man?] helped carry them. One was Alta Harris (a boy raised in this neighborhood), the other a refugee from Justice, the [boy] that is staying with them at the Crage farm on Black Bayou, his name is Murdock, the other’s name is Rhodes. They rode away with many more [weapons] they had taken from houses up the bayou.
Mr. Webb soon came, very angry that his freedmen had been robbed. At some places they had knocked down them that opposed them.
Oct. 17, 1869 Murdock & Harris left nine guns at Mrs. Sulivans they could not carry to Crague Farm. Jerry told the freedmen to go and get theirs if left. Mr. Collier came to know what could be done for the freedmen in the absence of county officers. Murdock & Harris rode to the gate & spoke to Jerry. Said they intended no insult to the family, that they were intoxicated with liquor. It was only the effects of a spree. They then took the guns from Mrs. Sulivan’s & threw them in the Cassity Bayou. Many freedmen from Col. Collier’s, Mr. Webb’s & Stator’s came after their pistols & guns. The offenders left when they saw them coming & the freedmen shot after them.
Oct. 18, 1869 Mr. Henry & Levi Stator & Jerry, with some others, went to Crague Farm, had a understanding with Murdock & Harris. They said they would leave the country [the region].
** November 29, 1869 – [Someone] had threatened to burn out Greenwood & kill the people with 500 negroes. Some companies had been organized for protection for they feared trouble at the election.
[The next entry suggests the end of the Reconstruction period, at least formally]
March 2, 1870 Mississippi again in the Union. Her natives do not rejoice. They feel like being linked to some corrupt thing. They will hold at a distance.
** May 8, 1870 I feel humbled. Yes, & thankful for many blessings I may not desserve. I have written two letters this morning & [went] to visit our tenants, Mrs. Steward & Screws, for Mr. Screws has gone to Calhoun County. I walked to see the families. They were all well, but distressed at not hearing preaching. How could they be saved. They could not read the Bible & was out of reach of a preacher. How could they keep the Sabath. I told them I believed God was light & love, that he rested not on the 7th day, every day was holy. No wrong should be done. God’s work never ceased. He grows corn, & trees & flowers every day. We are the children of God. Jesus said He is our Brother & they that live faithful lives are joint heirs with him; that punishment was the remorse of conscience; that we only need salvation from ignorance, error, selfishness, bigotry, poverty, intemperance, & unrighteousness.
Oct. 9, 1870 At 11 o’clock Mrs. P., Anna, Norma, Lillian & I with Capt. Standley drove through the tangled woods of Coela. The road was narrow & rough & we drove slowly over the broad fields of once the Sharkey Plantation tended by a hundred slaves. Now it grows wild sage grass & deep gullies have made the way longer. Some little of the lands are badly cultivated.
Nov. 6, 1870 The South has lost our noble Gen. Lee, great, good & wise man. He now rests in peace under the shade of the trees of heaven.
Nov. 26, 1870 Our political anxiety is stilled by the reelection of [Gen.] Grant (when the wicked rule, the land morns)
Dec. 11, 1870 Horace Greeley is no more. He died perhaps the 30th from excessive trials & worn down by grief. He deserved to be President. . . . At one time the Southern people abhored him, but they would have elected him if possible. [Horace Greeley, an abolitionist, was the editor of the New York Tribune.]
** March 28, 1873 – The rememberence of my home at Marion Place comes to me like the sweet breath of the beautiful flowers that surrounded me there. It was all sunshine. But later years bring dark shadows of sorrows deep, & war with all its horrors, injuries & wrongs will long, long be remembered. Rest, rest, may it cure the broken spirit and a weary body.
** April 20, 1873 – I arose this morning with renewed hope, for I saw some firmness of purpose in the Son I love, may he be able to keep it. I love both my children devotedly. They are my Treasures, yet they little know my troubles for them.
April 27, 1873 Jerry has gone to Church. Mr. Acker [?] preaches today, at ten. I think 100 Col” [abbreviation for "colored"] were asembled at Beulah to immerse 4 persons [4 freedmen from her plantation who were baptized in the water]. I went down to the Bayou & saw them emersed. The ceremony was imposeing, all was in order.
May 7, 1873 I intended going to Alban this morning to allay some differences between the Tenants – White & Col”. Some of the Col” was leaving the Place.
** June 19, 1873 Margaret Brown went this morning with George Shere [?] to see her father & mother who live at Oakland & to see a long absent brother who was sold when young from the family then in North Carolina & was brought to Mississippi, Yazoo County, where he has remained ever since. He is a good & trustworthy man like his father Daniel Crider [?].
Mag was so unhealthy I was very willing for her to go with the hope of her getting well, though I miss her very much to comb my hair & help me dress & sew etc. etc.
(**) July 30, 1873 Eliza Sykes was ready with Parene [?] to start Tuesday morning to see Margaret Brown (her sister) for their parents sent word that Margaret was sick, late in the evening Monday. I saw a wagon driving to Maggy’s house & sent to know if she was in it. Yes, she was in it dead, had died Sunday 27th & her sisters & many friends had brought her home to bury her by her request. She had sent kind messages to me she gave Parene, & wished her two children kept together. All her friends are greatly grieved & she had many for she was kind & good to all.
They say her death was caused by having a tooth extracted & its consequences – spasms, fits, & fainting. Her mother they left very sick . . . Aunt Phenie Ilers [?] heard her daugher was very sick.
I sympathize with my colored friends in their afflictions & troubles & poor Maggy – she was to me a faithful servant whose care I needed.
** Aug. 3, 1873 Today a very old servant woman named Ruth came to see me. . . . She belonged 20 years ago to Col. Jones. Mr. Robinson [her husband] owned some of her children – Louis & William. She is now with Louis. He lives on this Plantation. She is the mother of 20 children, fifteen she raised to be grown. How many is now living she does not know, for since they are free they have scattered. She is a healthy, sensible woman able to do any light work, can cook & work very good. She said her sight is not good. I gave her spectacles to enable her to sew. She [is] 108 years old.
Aug. 31, 1873 Jerry got home at 4 o’clock . . . in time to hear the marriage ceremony of Lige [?] Lucas to Nelly Green. They were married in the hall & soon went home to Alban in a wagon. Lige [?] is industrious & Nelly is a gentle girl. Both of col’ race.
** December 22, 1873 – I tried to prepare Christmas cheer today but have not succeeded as well as I wished. Jerry has fever, has slow fever. . . . At 4 o’clock he was chilly & then high fever all night. I sat by him till 12 o’clock at night then Peter came to take care of him. He sent for Dr. New. We expected him this morning. At three Mr. John Sullivan & Mrs. Garnat called on their way up the Bayou visiting. . . . Mr. Winset [?] went with them for the Dr. I hope he may come before night. Jerry is quite sick with slow fever.
[The following entries are out of order, but they make a good closing for these selections.]
[This was written about a year before her death]
** Nov. 27, 1872 I do not dread the closing scenes of my earthly life, though my sun is nearing the western horizon. More than three score years have been numbered since the light dawned upon my existence. I rise each morning to do my duty with cheerfulness of heart & hope for the future each year. I feel more love & charity for others, more sacrifice for all. The many changes in life, of joy & sorrow, hath made my dear ones dearer to my heart. I love them for their causes, sorrows & trials.
[I regret she did not elaborate on this next entry. She makes a very profound statement for a former slave owner.]
** Dec. 25, 1869 Some freedmen came to see me & I was wearied by their stay, & their talk of Master Alfred [her deceased husband] made me sad. I do not regret that the slaves are free. No, I am glad. But the Southern people should be paid for the property they have been robbed of [including the negro property]. Our broad lands & unplanted fields show the wants of the Southern people.
[Nancy Robinson died on Dec. 29, 1873. There are no entries during the last week of her life, and it is likely she became very sick.]
[This final entry that I will share was written 9 ½ months before her death]
** March 15, 1873
Life is the torrid day
Burned by the wind & sun
And death the calm, cool evening hour
When the weary day is done
(Nancy Robinson)
I feel bad, very bad. The prospects are gloomy. The Yankees have left us no consolation. All would gladly leave the country to get from their hateful government. But where can they go? They have impoverished us.
There is no alternative but to stay & submit to their dishonest tyrany with a hatred that is unChristian like the day is dark.
June 19, 1865 I went to the Quarter [where the slaves - now Freedmen - lived] to see the sick, to the cook house & loom house to see the weaving. I got back weary & sad.
June 20, 1865 I am trying to bear my change of fortune yet I know not how I may make a support [?].
July 28, 1865 Went again from home to stay at Alban to go in the morning to Sunflower to a public speaking. The speaker contends that Lincoln’s proclamation does not emancipate the negroes lawfully, Congress must act on the dishonest order, that the South claims her rights. She has been overpowered, humbled to the dust with four years war & desolation. They must not now ruin her & injure themselves to resent our right to a separation from them. It is worse than a bad marriage. They will not allow a divorce. Insults after wrongs are inflicted.
[In this next entry she describes a wedding of two freedmen]
Aug. 5, 1865 Saturday the 5th was the day of dining at Alban & a wedding. We all went early. Many had been invited. The preparation were large. At 12 o’clock Charley & Laura were married in the hall by Casey [?]. We then dined. The bride’s cake was cut by the young people, who did not find the ring. The young people took a ride to Mr. & Mrs. Statons where we had been invited to his darkies dinner.
Aug. 14, 1865 I made a verbal contract with the negroes that once belonged to me. In June we thought it best to have a written contract though it was the same.
** Aug. 20, 1865 Jerry [her son] called up the People [Freedmen] & told them about the contract & asked if any wanted to leave their home (for some of his was going). To my surprise almost all said they were going. I expostulated with them. Told them they were leaving friends & home to hunt their bread, that they could not get employment with more wages than I was giving if they got work & advised them to stay. Some said they had no fault with the place of the white folks but they wanted to travel, some to Virginia, others to Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, etc. to see their friends & relatives. I was troubled for them. Many I had raised from infancy, watched over their orphan childhood & reared them to manhood. Now regardless of my feelings for them they seemed pleased with the change of going. Poor creatures. You still need the white people’s care and protection. At sunset Jerry, Mrs. Bridges & I, weak and weary, mounted our horses & road to Beulah without speaking, so troubled & confounded at what I had seen.
** Sept. 17, 1865 Jerry went to Alban to see the People that had come back, five grown ones & three children. Mary Jane, the house woman that always waited on me & slept in my room when I was at home, had started for Memphis to live.
Oct. 11, 1865 Duglas returned late. He was much elated for his pardon had come from President Johnson [for fighting in the war] & he felt that he yet had a home if nothing more. The Yankee robbers have mined the South.
Oct. 30, 1865 Though too weak to sit up all day the plantation business appears to be going on but not with that regularity it once did or the industry. The same house servants & the same kind attention that was always paid me. They & their little ones are still clothed & fed as when we owned them. There will be a change at Christmas for they are looking forward to it as a Jubilee.
** Dec. 17, 1865
My heart, within my fevered breast
Is beating, beating wearily
And memory with a sad unrest
Wails through its chambers drearily
(Nancy Robinson)
March 11, 1866 This is a bright & pleasant day. The water is high in the Cassidy Bayou. The Talahachie [River] is rising slowly. All hope we may not have an overflow this year. For it would ruin us all. A crop is all the dependence for a living. Now we are robbed & crushed by the Federals with heavy taxes now over us. Our crops will support for another year and give hope for the future. (This is a general view of our situation.) My family however have less cause of complaint than many others. We all have homes left us & means to pay off our liabilities.
Nov. 25, 1866 We had the company of Mr. Richards & Lady from Boston, making [?] a business visit to some of our household. They are very pleasant people, though Yankees.
Dec. 23, 1866 The negroes are preparing for a New Year & wish to leave their old homes for the change. They think it wrong to see nothing of the world by staying at one place.
** Dec. 25, 1866 At 11 o’clock a boat with 25 of Jerry’s Freedmen pushed from his shore on their way to new homes.
Dec. 27, 1866 Many more of the Free negroes of the Place are going away this cold day to new homes with their little ones.
Nov. 17, 1867 This is a bright cool day, yet every day seems gloomy & thoughtful.
The South truly has cause for sadness. First her oppression by military rule & taxation, the overflow [of the river & bayou, ruining crops], greate sickness of mules, cattle & hogs by disease, draught & cotton worms destroying the crops, & the low prices for what is saved will not renumerate the Planter for his labor & out lay.
Dec. 8, 1867 The steamer Calumet is expected at my landing & I will have 42 bales of cotton shipped to New Orleans. . . . I have no one yet employed on my Plantation & know not what to do yet, with regard to hiring Freedmen. The price of cotton is so low we can not make anything by raising it. I am troubled about many things. My children & I are possessed of real estate but it only brings taxation.
Dec. 15, 1867 Sister writes of the want of money to support the needy & the injustice of the military rule which prevents justice being balanced to all alike.
Dec. 17, 1867 [Jerry] shipped his cotton bales on the Calumet [boat] – he told me much news of our Countrys condition that Troubles me.
Dec. 25, 1867 Christmas Day 67 – before light many nocks at our door caused me to rise early. Merry Christmas was the Shout for hours.
Egg Nog & Breakfast Cake & Candy. Dinner & Coffee.
The Freedmen & women danced till a late hour in the hall. At 11 o’clock I lay down to rest in weariness, with a humble heart.
** Feb. 24, 1868 I am having the silverware we have left cleaned. It has been abused by being thrown into the Bayou when a Yankee raid was coming – been in the house, hid in the woods, and buried in the earth – to keep it from Yankee robbers. . . . Col. Coats soldiers took all they could find & broke the china they could not take away & destroyed a bureau full of clothing belonging to me (at Marion) & tore up & carried off books to throw away — long, long will our injuries and wrongs be remembered – from those bigoted self-righteous Yankees – corrupted by a little money to pay them for killing people . . . & burning houses & destroying.
April 12, 1868 The Sheriff called to day to collect the convention tax. He said it must be paid by 22nd.
May 2, 1868 The European immigration scheme is very pleasing to us. Jerry saw & heard Mr. Everet speak when he was at Vicksburg. I would be glad to see our country filled up with good people of the white race.
May 5, 1868 Pres. Johnson is acquited of the frivolous charges brought against him which shows the malice & little meanness of the Radical Party, who are so corrupt they will never right the once called Union.
** June 16, 1868 Mary our cook told me Dad Johnson died yesterday. He was a freedman of ours. His mother Percile served me from my marriage till she was free [for about 30 years], faithfully. I had raised Dad & many more of her children. He was a good man & [his death is] a loss to the world. He died at Mr. Hawkins’ where he was living this year.
** July 26, 1868
There is a crop of heavy weight
for every human life to bear
There is a chaplet formed of thorns
for each & every brow to wear
(Nancy Robinson)
Aug. 3, 1868 I heard of the death of Adam, a freedman of Jerry’s. He had helped raise my children & in old age they would take care of him but he left us when free to be independent & I fear needed kind care & good nursing.
Aug. 7, 1868 [Jerry] brought me a lettter from Duglas who wrote that he was troubled at his losses which was equal to his liabilities. He had lost his five grey riding horses, & his other grey he didn’t think would live. His pony also has charbone & his mules had died till he had not enough to gin his cotton crop. . . . I saw him loose $70,000 worth of negro property by a dishonest government & was glad to get a pardon [from the war] for fear they would take his home. His broad lands are left him. They give him a living & home.
Aug. 16, 1868 I rode in the plantation to see if the worms was ruining the cotton. . . . We need dry weather very much. The cotton is growing too high [and] the insects are ruinous. The corn is so heavy it is falling down on the soft earth & will soon decay. This is truly a trying time for planters. . . . The rain prevents any improvments being made for the rain is falling every day and night. The grass & weeds are growing in the cotton fields . . . and [it's] too wet to plough or hoe it down.
Nov. 9, 1868 Should Seymore be [elected] President the Southern people will revive in the hope of Justice. Misissippi has not been allowed to vote, or many other Southern states.
Nov. 26, 1868 [Gen.] Grant is elected President & we meekly submit to a majority.
Jan. 1, 1869 President [Jefferson] Davis is pardoned by Pres. Johnson & acquitted by the law. Financially, our condition is better than it was 12 months ago. There is more food in our country.
Jan. 3, 1869
A cross of toil and worldly grief
A burden of suspense and care
He has imposed upon us all
And each a heavy load must bear
A crown awaits each faithful heart
Each ernest self-denying soul
(Nancy Robinson)
Feb. 27, 1869 We are looking forward to “[Pres.] Grant Times”, but do not expect any good from such a wicked & depraved man.
March 7, 1869 Several of the freedmen from Alban have been to see me today. It is cheering to see their pleased faces.
May 1, 1869 The time has been and I have met with sorrows I shall never forget.
May 16, 1869 A good servant named Julia is dying with dropsy. She has long been ours (before freedom as they now say). This distresses me for she leaves three little ones — one a baby — their father an old & feble man.
** September 14, 1869 – Col. McLemore rode to the gate. He said there was trouble for . . . two hundred negroes had congregated at the Ancher Plantation in Sunflower County. On Saturday 80 mounted [Negro] men with flags & horns, armed with guns, sabers, pistols & some with large knives rode from Boid’s Store to Mr. Minters. There they shot many times without aim. They said a negro man called Combush that was with them had intended to speak to the negroes & had heard that the whites had forbid it. They made such noise at places & shot a pistol over two ladies heads, made many threats & many families left their homes & slept in the woods.
** October 8, 1869 – We heard from Mrs. Boid that their sheriff was not killed (as we had heard). The negroes had been all waiting at places to hear negroes speak & preach. The negro man Combush had just gone when we got there. He was doing much to make the negroes think they were entitled to all the crops they had made or help work. Many was riding around the country instead of picking cotton.
Oct. 16, 1869 The people of Sunflower [County] are still troubled. The Yankee sheriff & Judge have brought this trouble by being traitors to the country. . . .
. . . Mrs. Martha Reading & Lilly Collier with Carrie called for a few minutes to see me & urged me to go home with them. Two [white] men on horseback came in sight, but delayed till the ladies left. They then rode in at the lower gate, left their horses. I soon saw them and they passed a house with Peter Sykes, a freedman, going before them. They had guns drawn on him & [were] heavily armed with pistols & knives. They broke the doors & searched all, breaking locks & doors. I went out when I saw them going to break a door & forbade it. One answered they had a right to do it. I asked for their authority. He said he would give me a receipt. (They were drunk.) They took the guns & pistols to the road where a mounted [man?] helped carry them. One was Alta Harris (a boy raised in this neighborhood), the other a refugee from Justice, the [boy] that is staying with them at the Crage farm on Black Bayou, his name is Murdock, the other’s name is Rhodes. They rode away with many more [weapons] they had taken from houses up the bayou.
Mr. Webb soon came, very angry that his freedmen had been robbed. At some places they had knocked down them that opposed them.
Oct. 17, 1869 Murdock & Harris left nine guns at Mrs. Sulivans they could not carry to Crague Farm. Jerry told the freedmen to go and get theirs if left. Mr. Collier came to know what could be done for the freedmen in the absence of county officers. Murdock & Harris rode to the gate & spoke to Jerry. Said they intended no insult to the family, that they were intoxicated with liquor. It was only the effects of a spree. They then took the guns from Mrs. Sulivan’s & threw them in the Cassity Bayou. Many freedmen from Col. Collier’s, Mr. Webb’s & Stator’s came after their pistols & guns. The offenders left when they saw them coming & the freedmen shot after them.
Oct. 18, 1869 Mr. Henry & Levi Stator & Jerry, with some others, went to Crague Farm, had a understanding with Murdock & Harris. They said they would leave the country [the region].
** November 29, 1869 – [Someone] had threatened to burn out Greenwood & kill the people with 500 negroes. Some companies had been organized for protection for they feared trouble at the election.
[The next entry suggests the end of the Reconstruction period, at least formally]
March 2, 1870 Mississippi again in the Union. Her natives do not rejoice. They feel like being linked to some corrupt thing. They will hold at a distance.
** May 8, 1870 I feel humbled. Yes, & thankful for many blessings I may not desserve. I have written two letters this morning & [went] to visit our tenants, Mrs. Steward & Screws, for Mr. Screws has gone to Calhoun County. I walked to see the families. They were all well, but distressed at not hearing preaching. How could they be saved. They could not read the Bible & was out of reach of a preacher. How could they keep the Sabath. I told them I believed God was light & love, that he rested not on the 7th day, every day was holy. No wrong should be done. God’s work never ceased. He grows corn, & trees & flowers every day. We are the children of God. Jesus said He is our Brother & they that live faithful lives are joint heirs with him; that punishment was the remorse of conscience; that we only need salvation from ignorance, error, selfishness, bigotry, poverty, intemperance, & unrighteousness.
Oct. 9, 1870 At 11 o’clock Mrs. P., Anna, Norma, Lillian & I with Capt. Standley drove through the tangled woods of Coela. The road was narrow & rough & we drove slowly over the broad fields of once the Sharkey Plantation tended by a hundred slaves. Now it grows wild sage grass & deep gullies have made the way longer. Some little of the lands are badly cultivated.
Nov. 6, 1870 The South has lost our noble Gen. Lee, great, good & wise man. He now rests in peace under the shade of the trees of heaven.
Nov. 26, 1870 Our political anxiety is stilled by the reelection of [Gen.] Grant (when the wicked rule, the land morns)
Dec. 11, 1870 Horace Greeley is no more. He died perhaps the 30th from excessive trials & worn down by grief. He deserved to be President. . . . At one time the Southern people abhored him, but they would have elected him if possible. [Horace Greeley, an abolitionist, was the editor of the New York Tribune.]
** March 28, 1873 – The rememberence of my home at Marion Place comes to me like the sweet breath of the beautiful flowers that surrounded me there. It was all sunshine. But later years bring dark shadows of sorrows deep, & war with all its horrors, injuries & wrongs will long, long be remembered. Rest, rest, may it cure the broken spirit and a weary body.
** April 20, 1873 – I arose this morning with renewed hope, for I saw some firmness of purpose in the Son I love, may he be able to keep it. I love both my children devotedly. They are my Treasures, yet they little know my troubles for them.
April 27, 1873 Jerry has gone to Church. Mr. Acker [?] preaches today, at ten. I think 100 Col” [abbreviation for "colored"] were asembled at Beulah to immerse 4 persons [4 freedmen from her plantation who were baptized in the water]. I went down to the Bayou & saw them emersed. The ceremony was imposeing, all was in order.
May 7, 1873 I intended going to Alban this morning to allay some differences between the Tenants – White & Col”. Some of the Col” was leaving the Place.
** June 19, 1873 Margaret Brown went this morning with George Shere [?] to see her father & mother who live at Oakland & to see a long absent brother who was sold when young from the family then in North Carolina & was brought to Mississippi, Yazoo County, where he has remained ever since. He is a good & trustworthy man like his father Daniel Crider [?].
Mag was so unhealthy I was very willing for her to go with the hope of her getting well, though I miss her very much to comb my hair & help me dress & sew etc. etc.
(**) July 30, 1873 Eliza Sykes was ready with Parene [?] to start Tuesday morning to see Margaret Brown (her sister) for their parents sent word that Margaret was sick, late in the evening Monday. I saw a wagon driving to Maggy’s house & sent to know if she was in it. Yes, she was in it dead, had died Sunday 27th & her sisters & many friends had brought her home to bury her by her request. She had sent kind messages to me she gave Parene, & wished her two children kept together. All her friends are greatly grieved & she had many for she was kind & good to all.
They say her death was caused by having a tooth extracted & its consequences – spasms, fits, & fainting. Her mother they left very sick . . . Aunt Phenie Ilers [?] heard her daugher was very sick.
I sympathize with my colored friends in their afflictions & troubles & poor Maggy – she was to me a faithful servant whose care I needed.
** Aug. 3, 1873 Today a very old servant woman named Ruth came to see me. . . . She belonged 20 years ago to Col. Jones. Mr. Robinson [her husband] owned some of her children – Louis & William. She is now with Louis. He lives on this Plantation. She is the mother of 20 children, fifteen she raised to be grown. How many is now living she does not know, for since they are free they have scattered. She is a healthy, sensible woman able to do any light work, can cook & work very good. She said her sight is not good. I gave her spectacles to enable her to sew. She [is] 108 years old.
Aug. 31, 1873 Jerry got home at 4 o’clock . . . in time to hear the marriage ceremony of Lige [?] Lucas to Nelly Green. They were married in the hall & soon went home to Alban in a wagon. Lige [?] is industrious & Nelly is a gentle girl. Both of col’ race.
** December 22, 1873 – I tried to prepare Christmas cheer today but have not succeeded as well as I wished. Jerry has fever, has slow fever. . . . At 4 o’clock he was chilly & then high fever all night. I sat by him till 12 o’clock at night then Peter came to take care of him. He sent for Dr. New. We expected him this morning. At three Mr. John Sullivan & Mrs. Garnat called on their way up the Bayou visiting. . . . Mr. Winset [?] went with them for the Dr. I hope he may come before night. Jerry is quite sick with slow fever.
[The following entries are out of order, but they make a good closing for these selections.]
[This was written about a year before her death]
** Nov. 27, 1872 I do not dread the closing scenes of my earthly life, though my sun is nearing the western horizon. More than three score years have been numbered since the light dawned upon my existence. I rise each morning to do my duty with cheerfulness of heart & hope for the future each year. I feel more love & charity for others, more sacrifice for all. The many changes in life, of joy & sorrow, hath made my dear ones dearer to my heart. I love them for their causes, sorrows & trials.
[I regret she did not elaborate on this next entry. She makes a very profound statement for a former slave owner.]
** Dec. 25, 1869 Some freedmen came to see me & I was wearied by their stay, & their talk of Master Alfred [her deceased husband] made me sad. I do not regret that the slaves are free. No, I am glad. But the Southern people should be paid for the property they have been robbed of [including the negro property]. Our broad lands & unplanted fields show the wants of the Southern people.
[Nancy Robinson died on Dec. 29, 1873. There are no entries during the last week of her life, and it is likely she became very sick.]
[This final entry that I will share was written 9 ½ months before her death]
** March 15, 1873
Life is the torrid day
Burned by the wind & sun
And death the calm, cool evening hour
When the weary day is done
(Nancy Robinson)
